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Australia’s involvement in the liberation of East Timor in 1999 was the most decisive demonstration of Australian influence in the region since World War II and the largest military contribution since the Vietnam War. Australian diplomacy and leadership shaped the events that led to the birth of Asia’s newest nation. East Timor Intervention looks at the crisis through the prism of key participants and observers on the ground and abroad, including Indonesia’s martial law commander Kiki Syahnakri defending his record, the country’s first president Xanana Gusmão on the resolution and poise of Timor’s resistance fighters, Australia’s Chief of Defence Force Chris Barrie on cobbling the force together, commander of the International Force Peter Cosgrove on the operation, and key policy adviser Hugh White on Canberra’s policy contortions in the lead-up to the intervention. This impressive collection includes significant new perspectives on Southeast Asian security affairs and the role Australia can play in regional security and stability.
In a new historical interpretation of the relationship between Australia and East Timor, Susan Connelly draws on the mimetic theory of René Girard to show how the East Timorese people were scapegoated by Australian foreign policy during the 20th century. Charting key developments in East Timor's history and applying three aspects of Girard's framework – the scapegoat, texts of persecution and conversion – Connelly reveals Australia's mimetic dependence on Indonesia and other nations for security. She argues that Australia's complicity in the Indonesian invasion and occupation of East Timor perpetuated the sacrifice of the Timorese people as victims, thus calling into question the traditional Australian values of egalitarianism and fairness. Connelly also examines the embryonic conversion process apparent in levels of recognition of the innocent victim and of the Australian role in East Timor's suffering, as well as the consequent effects on Australian self-perception. Emphasising Girardian considerations of fear, suffering, forgiveness and conversion, this book offers a fresh perspective on Australian and Timorese relations that in turn sheds light on the origins and operations of human violence.
The United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) which had effectively 'ruled' that territory for two and a half years handed over the country's administration to the government of the newly-independent Democratic Republic of East Timor on May 20, 2002. Praised as one of the most comprehensive and successful nation building operations of the United Nations, UNTAET had the challenging task of facilitating the creation of a new country from virtually non-existent institutional foundations, following a traumatic period of violence and civil war. A group of eminent scholars and practitioners, many deeply and personally involved with UNTAET, came together in a closed-door gathering in Tokyo in September 2002, to review the achievements and shortcomings of UNTAET, and to understand the lessons of hope that it may carry for other nations emerging from war and destruction. The conference reflected on the intense debates held at the United Nations Security Council in New York and at key capitals around the world leading to the creation of UNTAET. It also dealt with the manner in which the mission unfolded, operated, and the level of reconstruction achieved when East Timor was handed over to its people. This volume forms a lively and indispensable reading to experts or laypersons interested in current affairs in general and in post-war nation building in particular.
In Humanitarian Hypocrisy, Andrea L. Everett maps the often glaring differences between declared ambitions to protect civilians in conflict zones and the resources committed for doing so. Examining how powerful governments contribute to peace operations and determine how they are designed, Everett argues that ambitions-resources gaps are a form of organized hypocrisy. Her book shows how political compromises lead to disparities between the humanitarian principles leaders proclaim and what their policies are designed to accomplish. When those in power face strong pressure to protect civilians but are worried about the high costs and dangers of intervention, Everett asserts, they allocate insufficient resources or impose excessive operational constraints. The ways in which this can play out are illustrated by Everett’s use of original data and in-depth case studies of France in Rwanda, the United States in Darfur, and Australia in East Timor and Aceh. Humanitarian Hypocrisy has a sad lesson: missions that gesture toward the protection of civilians but overlook the most pressing security needs of affected populations can worsen suffering even while the entities who doom those missions to failure assume the moral high ground. This is a must-read book for activists, NGO officials, and policymakers alike.
"The author examines responses within the international Catholic community to the annexation and rule of East Timor by Indonesia from 1975 - 1999. Theoretically the Catholic Church is committed to prioritise the needs of the poorest and weakest members of the human family but the evidence put forward here reveals that there were significant shortcomings in its reaction to the plight of the East Timorese. Yet the Church also played a crucial role in their eventual achievement of independent nationhood. This study scrutinises the disposition of the Catholic community in several countries closely involved in the issue of East Timor - Indonesia, Portugal, Australia, Japan, Britain, the United States - and of the Vatican, and calls upon the Church to live up to its own social doctrine. Bishop Carlos Belo, Apostolic Administrator (emeritus) of the Diocese of Dili, East Timor, comments in an 'Afterword' to the book: 'This excellent study carries concrete lessons for the global community as we face the many challenges of the new millennium. In essence, how can we best help our brothers and sisters who often suffer in silence? This book helps to answer that question'. "
Developing a better understanding of the dynamics of violence in post-war states can lead to a more durable peace. The end of one war is frequently the beginning of another because the cessation of conflict produces two new challenges: a contest between the winners and losers over the terms of peace, and a battle within the winning party over the spoils of war. As the victors and the vanquished struggle to establish a new political order, incidents of low-level violence frequently occur and can escalate into an unstable peace or renewed conflict. Michael J. Boyle evaluates the dynamics of post-conflict violence and their consequences in Violence after War. In this systematic comparative study, Boyle analyzes a cross-national dataset of violent acts from 52 post-conflict states and examines, in depth, violence patterns from five recent post-conflict states: Bosnia, Rwanda, Kosovo, East Timor, and Iraq. In each of the case studies, Boyle traces multiple pathways through which violence emerges in post-conflict states and highlights how the fragmentation of combatants, especially rebel groups, produces unexpected and sometimes surprising shifts in the nature, type, and targets of attack. His case studies are based on unpublished data on violent crime, including some from fieldwork in Kosovo, East Timor, and Bosnia, and a thorough review of narrative and witness accounts of the attacks. The case study of Iraq comes from data that Boyle obtained directly from U.S. Central Command, published here for the first time. Violence after War will be essential reading for all those interested in political violence, peacekeeping, and post-conflict reconstruction.
Anarchy makes it easy for terrorists to set up shop. Yet the international community has been reluctant to commit the necessary resources to peacekeeping—with devastating results locally and around the globe. This daring new work argues that modern peacekeeping operations and military occupations bear a surprising resemblance to the imperialism practiced by liberal states a century ago. Motivated by a similar combination of self-interested and humanitarian goals, liberal democracies in both eras have wanted to maintain a presence on foreign territory in order to make themselves more secure, while sharing the benefits of their own cultures and societies. Yet both forms of intervention have inevitably been undercut by weak political will, inconsistent policy choices, and their status as a low priority on the agenda of military organizations. In more recent times, these problems are compounded by the need for multilateral cooperation—something even NATO finds difficult to achieve but is now necessary for legitimacy. Drawing lessons from this provocative comparison, Kimberly Zisk Marten argues that the West's attempts to remake foreign societies in their own image—even with the best of intentions—invariably fail. Focusing on operations in Haiti, Bosnia, Kosovo, and East Timor in the mid- to late 1990s, while touching on both post-war Afghanistan and the occupation of Iraq, Enforcing the Peace compares these cases to the colonial activities of Great Britain, France, and the United States at the turn of the twentieth century. The book weaves together examples from these cases, using interviews Marten conducted with military officers and other peacekeeping officials at the UN, NATO, and elsewhere. Rather than trying to control political developments abroad, Marten proposes, a more sensible goal of foreign intervention is to restore basic security to unstable regions threatened by anarchy. The colonial experience shows that military organizations police effectively if political leaders prioritize the task, and the time has come to raise the importance of peacekeeping on the international agenda.
This book offers a new approach to the extraordinary story of Timor-Leste. The Indonesian invasion of the former Portuguese colony in 1975 was widely considered to have permanently crushed the Timorese independence movement. Initial international condemnation of the invasion was quickly replaced by widespread acceptance of Indonesian sovereignty. But inside Timor-Leste various resistance networks maintained their struggle, against all odds. Twenty-four years later, the Timorese were allowed to choose their political future and the new country of Timor-Leste came into being in 2002. This book presents freedom in Timor-Leste as an accomplishment of networked governance, arguing that weak networks are capable of controlling strong tyrannies. Yet, as events in Timor-Leste since independence show, the nodes of networks of freedom can themselves become nodes of tyranny. The authors argue that constant renewal of liberation networks is critical for peace with justice - feminist networks for the liberation of women, preventive diplomacy networks for liberation of victims of war, village development networks, civil society networks. Constant renewal of the separation of powers is also necessary. A case is made for a different way of seeing the separation of powers as constitutive of the republican ideal of freedom as non-domination. The book is also a critique of realism as a theory of international affairs and of the limits of reforming tyranny through the centralised agency of a state sovereign. Reversal of Indonesia's 1975 invasion of Timor-Leste was an implausible accomplishment. Among the things that achieved it was principled engagement with Indonesia and its democracy movement by the Timor resistance. Unprincipled engagement by Australia and the United States in particular allowed the 1975 invasion to occur. The book argues that when the international community regulates tyranny responsively, with principled engagement, there is hope for a domestic politics of nonviolent transformation for freedom and justice.
This important collection emerges from the growing academic and public policy interest in the area of Indigenous peoples, treaties and agreements andndash; challenging readers to engage with the idea of treaty and agreement making in changing political and legal landscapes. Honour Among Nations? contains contributions from both Indigenous and non-Indigenous authors from Australia, New Zealand and North America including Marcia Langton, Gillian Triggs, Joe Williams, Paul Chartrand and Noel Pearson. It features a preface by Sir Anthony Mason. This book covers topics as diverse as treaty and agreement making in Australia, New Zealand and British Columbia; land, the law, political rights and Indigenous peoples; maritime agreements; health; governance and jurisdiction; race discrimination in Australia; the Timor Sea Treaty; copyright and intellectual property issues for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander authors. Honour Among Nations? makes a significant contribution to international debates on Indigenous peoples' rights, treaties and agreement making.