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This book gives documented history of the county of Covington, its land, rivers, roads, government, railroads, their elected officials, military, postal service, churches population growth, its people, and their property for the years, 1821-1871.
Andalusia's destiny was determined by the Conecuh River, when the 1841 "Harrison Freshet" brought floods and mosquito fever to the original county seat of Montezuma, forcing the move to higher ground. The new site was named Andalusia, and the post office officially relocated in 1844. Like many small towns, Andalusia's destiny could have once again been determined by an outside force--the economy. However, from timber to textiles, Andalusia has chosen to fight back against abandonment and vacancy and can now truly boast a unique and viable commercial downtown that continues to flourish while preserving its historic structures. Andalusia was awarded the 2013 Quality of Life Award by The Alabama Municipal Journal for purchasing the old Alabama Textile Mill (Alatex) in 2009 and for partnering with the chamber of commerce to create a new chamber office, welcome center, and national textile monument in tribute to the thousands who worked at the site and in textile mills all over the United States.
Shirley Booth-Byerly has been addicted to the study of genealogy since childhood; she loves the never-ending battle of discovering subtle links, possibilities, impossibilities, and misconceptions. In God, Ghosts, and Grannies, she tells the story of her family—where they came from and how they settled in South Alabama and Northwest Florida. Telling the events as literary nonfiction and taking genealogy to a new level, her story shares insights from six generations, six unique individuals, each viewing life from slightly skewed, rose-colored glasses. Shirley melds humor, drama, and a living experience with research, resources, and revelations. Gods, Ghosts, and Grannies narrates a story of people’s lives, their hopes, their dreams, and the realities they faced while struggling, working, and tending their homes; the same homes that convey tranquil memories, laughter, sunshine, and contentment—memories forever gone when no one is left to tell the stories or no one cares to listen.
After examining origins, Flynt (Southern history, Auburn U.) studies farmers, textile workers, coal miners, and timber workers in depth and discusses family structure, folk culture, the politics of poor whites, and their attempts to resolve problems through labor unions and political movements. Annotation copyrighted by Book News, Inc., Portland, OR
"Dixie Heretic is a life-and-times biography of the minister and social reformer Renwick C. Kennedy (1900-1985), an impassioned, tortured man who strove ardently to make his white Alabama congregants 'more Christian' by acknowledging their own racism and greed, and who not only lived but chronicled carefully many of the forces culminating in the right-wing conservative movement today. As McWilliams relates, Kennedy came from 'upcountry' South Carolina, a place rife with Scotch-Irish Associate Reformed Presbyterians. They lived by biblical infallibility and a strain of individual piety and salvation focused on the hereafter. In the early 1920s, however, his ministerial studies took him to Princeton Theological Seminary. There, he encountered the 'Presbyterian Conflict' over science, fundamentalism, and the social gospel, and he emerged a radical Christian socialist. Like a few other articulate practitioners of 'Neo-orthodoxy,' young Kennedy stayed true to the literalist Bible, and the salvation and piety allegiances of his youth. But he embraced not only the Social Gospel's mandate to solve earthly problems of poverty and prejudice but many cardinal tenets of modern science, as well. To Kennedy, this posed no contradiction. In 1927 Kennedy moved to Camden, Alabama, the seat of Wilcox County, where he soon married and started a family. Meanwhile, his ministry for social change dominated his Wilcox pastorates, filled with the very people from whom he derived: the Scotch-Irish. Quietly, he came to believe that God had a mandate for him: to confront and change the behaviors and beliefs of his congregations, notably their attitudes about race and poverty. And to do this, he found, he had to attack what he considered traditionalist Christian hypocrisy - 'half Christianity,' or non-social gospel Christianity - some of which he came to see as a form of proto-fascism, if not fascism itself. He soon turned to penning confrontational short stories, many published in Christian Century and some in the New Republic and set in his fictitious 'Yaupon County.' In some of these stories he overtly revealed his allegiances as a Social Gospel Christian and as an adamant supporter of Franklin Roosevelt's Democratic party. He spared no one, not even members of his own congregation. He also abandoned his pacifism and urged US intervention in World War II: he hoped that the defeat of racial fascism abroad might somehow grow white hearts at home. Ultimately, to help eliminate 'the anti-Christ, the mad dog, Hitler,' Kennedy joined the U.S. Army. As a chaplain with the famed 102nd Evacuation Hospital, he experienced some of the most horrific chapters of the conflict - Saint Lo, the Battle of the Bulge - and arrived at Dachau a mere week after German soldiers fled. The postwar world gave Kennedy periods of optimism and hope. He returned from the war believing America might deal with its own racial issues the way it had treated Europe and Japan's. His own children grew into educated, enlightened, and thriving adults. And new developments in his professional life brought considerable increases to his family income, easing his wife's long financial insecurities. Yet these years also offered a great many frustrations. Even by 1948 he knew his Social Gospel hopes about racism, fascism, and white entitlement, especially among his fellow Scotch-Irish, were naïve at best. The rise of the Dixiecrat movement (a key Dixiecrat leader, Alabama State senator J. Miller Bonner, was a member of his own congregation), only deepened his sense of personal defeat. Even so, the rise of the civil rights movement in the 1950s and 1960s and occasional developments in state and national politics rekindled at least some of his old Neo-orthodox hope and drive. He played a significant role in desegregating Troy State University, for instance, but the gratifications of even small victories proved fleeting, dashed by the assassinations of Dr. King, JFK, and RFK, and the growing numbers of southern white Republicans and Wallaceites. In Kennedy's increasing 'down' times he was privately the self-professed 'Christian and a Democrat' seeing national Republicans as 'sinners' for their growing embrace of white southern racial conservatives. A long-term 'functional alcoholic,' this privately persistent Neo-orthodox Christian never ceased agonizing over the growing 'half-Christianity' around him. Indeed, he died worrying about what it portended for the role of white supremist, proto-fascists in modern America, aware of having made few inroads on God's mandate and what he considered white Christian wrongs in Alabama. While Renwick Kennedy was front-loaded for the failure he indeed found, still - in the values and social norms he pondered and challenged at every stage of his life, and today so badly in need of recommitment - he stands as a 'good' citizen, a non-hypocritical Christian, and an emblem of hope"--
Catalogs some 2700 Alabama communities, ranging from Abanda, in Chambers County, to Zip City, in Lauderdale County.
Contains a bibliography of Alabama's county histories.
Traces the history of Walter McBeath and the descendents of his grandson, Sandy McBeth, totalling seven generations.
Given by Douglas E. Bell.