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Don't Wait to Be Called is a collection of short stories that span the distance from Eritrea and Ethiopia, whose refugee populations author Jacob Weber worked with in 2013 and 2014, all the way to Rustbelt towns of Ohio, where Weber grew up in the shadow of the Pro Football Hall of Fame. These stories range from migrants fleeing for their lives and hanging on to what is left from the dangerous journey to "bros" lifting weights together who just want to get ripped. Weber also covers the 2015 Baltimore Riots through the eyes of a student (Weber's wife was a Baltimore teacher at the time), a dying mathematician's son who tries to master high school math before his father dies, and a single mother just trying to hold it together on a Sunday at the park. Weber twice hits on themes of surveillance, once in a very short story told through the eyes of an eavesdropping translator (Weber himself is a translator for a living), and again through a haunting story of a man who built facilities for the National Security Agency and now wants to spend his retirement in a bath house he built. But the heart of the collection are the four stories of "Habesha" immigrants--those who have come from Ethiopia and Eritrea to the United States to become a new kind of American--"American as Berbere," as one story has it.
No more politics—just the truth about what we can and must do to protect ourselves. Fox News military analyst Colonel David Hunt has dedicated his career to fighting terrorism. A twenty-nine-year U.S. Army veteran, he has helped take out an active terrorist camp, trained the FBI and Special Forces in counterterrorism tactics, and served as security adviser to six different Olympic Games. And Colonel Hunt is angry. Why? Because even after the terrorist attacks on our country and on Americans around the world, the people charged with protecting us—the politicians and the bureaucrats in military and intelligence—still aren’t getting the job done. They Just Don’t Get It provides a much-needed wake-up call to all Americans. As politicians posture and pundits bicker, we’re losing sight of the fundamental problem: We’re still not equipped to win the War on Terror. In fact, the terrorist threat is far worse than we feared, as made frighteningly clear by the fifty pages of documents published here for the first time—including a shocking manual taken from the terrorists themselves. But instead of just complaining, Colonel Hunt tells us exactly what we must do—without regard to political game-playing—to emerge victorious in the challenge that history has given us. These are changes we can make at every level—as individual citizens, as a government, and as a military power. As he shows in this book, while the government and our military lead the fight to protect us, ordinary citizens can and must contribute. They Just Don’t Get It reveals: • What you can do to keep your family safe • How many of the government’s recent “reforms” are mere window dressing or, worse, counterproductive • How we can fight this war and still safeguard our civil liberties and the American way of life • How to fix the intelligence disaster (and yes, the politicians in D.C. still haven’t fixed it) • How we got into this mess in the first place: it’s mostly because our government let the problem fester for three decades Colonel Hunt is no cautious bureaucrat or finger-pointer looking for political gain. He is a straight shooter with deep insight into what’s happening in the War on Terror—on the ground and in the government. They Just Don’t Get It lays out in clear and compelling terms the steps we must take—all of us—to win the War on Terror and ensure our survival as a free, proud, and strong nation. From They Just Don’t Get It We’re fighting a war for our very survival, so we’d better figure out how to win. That’s why I’m writing this book—to show us how we can win, how we can protect ourselves. As a Fox News military analyst, I’m paid to offer insight into how our armed forces are conducting the fight against our enemies. But this book shows that to win the War on Terror we need to concern ourselves with more than just military tactics. For one thing, we need to look at what our political leaders are doing. The sad truth is that they still don’t get it. Then there’s intelligence. You’ve heard about our intelligence failures, but I doubt you know how bad it really is—even after the “reforms.” I’m going to tell you. And another critical dimension to this story usually gets overlooked—what you can do. The fact is, you can do a lot. Hell, you must do a lot. A selection of American Compass
This carefully edited collection has been designed and formatted to the highest digital standards and adjusted for readability on all devices. Contents: The Celebrated Jumping Frog of Calaveras County, and Other Sketches The Celebrated Jumping Frog of Calaveras County Aurelia's Unfortunate Young Man A Complaint about Correspondents, Dated in San Francisco Answers to Correspondents Among the Fenians The Story of the Bad Little Boy Who Didn't Come to Grief Curing a Cold An Inquiry about Insurances Literature in the Dry Diggings 'After' Jenkins Lucretia Smith's Soldier The Killing of Julius Caesar 'Localized' An Item which the Editor Himself could not Understand Among the Spirits Brief Biographical Sketch of George Washington A Touching Story of George Washington's Boyhood A Page from a Californian Almanac Information for the Million The Launch of the Steamer Capital Origin of Illustrious Men Advice for Good Little Girls Concerning Chambermaids Remarkable Instances of Presence of Mind Honored as a Curiosity in Honolulu The Steed 'Oahu' A Strange Dream Short and Singular Rations Mark Twain's Burlesque Autobiography and First Romance Burlesque Autobiography Awful, Terrible Medieval Romance Merry Tales The Private History of a Campaign That Failed The Invalid's Story Luck The Captain's Story A Curious Experience Mrs. Mc Williams and the Lightning Meisterschaft The £1,000,000 Bank Note and Other New Stories The Million Pound Bank Note Mental Telegraphy The Enemy Conquered About all Kinds of Ships Playing Courier The German Chicago A Petition to the Queen of England A Majestic Literary Fossil Sketches New and Old The $30,000 Bequest and Other Stories The Curious Republic of Gondour and Other Whimsical Sketches Alonzo Fitz, and Other Stories Mark Twain's Library of Humor Other Stories Biography Samuel Langhorne Clemens (1835-1910), better known by his pen name Mark Twain, was an American writer, humorist, entrepreneur, publisher, and lecturer.
Polarization is at an all-time high in the United States. But contrary to popular belief, Americans are polarized not so much in their policy preferences as in their feelings toward their political opponents: To an unprecedented degree, Republicans and Democrats simply do not like one another. No surprise that these deeply held negative feelings are central to the recent (also unprecedented) plunge in congressional productivity. The past three Congresses have gotten less done than any since scholars began measuring congressional productivity. In Why Washington Won’t Work, Marc J. Hetherington and Thomas J. Rudolph argue that a contemporary crisis of trust—people whose party is out of power have almost no trust in a government run by the other side—has deadlocked Congress. On most issues, party leaders can convince their own party to support their positions. In order to pass legislation, however, they must also create consensus by persuading some portion of the opposing party to trust in their vision for the future. Without trust, consensus fails to develop and compromise does not occur. Up until recently, such trust could still usually be found among the opposition, but not anymore. Political trust, the authors show, is far from a stable characteristic. It’s actually highly variable and contingent on a variety of factors, including whether one’s party is in control, which part of the government one is dealing with, and which policies or events are most salient at the moment. Political trust increases, for example, when the public is concerned with foreign policy—as in times of war—and it decreases in periods of weak economic performance. Hetherington and Rudolph do offer some suggestions about steps politicians and the public might take to increase political trust. Ultimately, however, they conclude that it is unlikely levels of political trust will significantly increase unless foreign concerns come to dominate and the economy is consistently strong.