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Law and Employment analyzes the effects of regulation and deregulation on Latin American labor markets and presents empirically grounded studies of the costs of regulation. Numerous labor regulations that were introduced or reformed in Latin America in the past thirty years have had important economic consequences. Nobel Prize-winning economist James J. Heckman and Carmen Pagés document the behavior of firms attempting to stay in business and be competitive while facing the high costs of complying with these labor laws. They challenge the prevailing view that labor market regulations affect only the distribution of labor incomes and have little or no impact on efficiency or the performance of labor markets. Using new micro-evidence, this volume shows that labor regulations reduce labor market turnover rates and flexibility, promote inequality, and discriminate against marginal workers. Along with in-depth studies of Colombia, Peru, Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Uruguay, Jamaica, and Trinidad, Law and Employment provides comparative analysis of Latin American economies against a range of European countries and the United States. The book breaks new ground by quantifying not only the cost of regulation in Latin America, the Caribbean, and in the OECD, but also the broader impact of this regulation.
Although Ecuador may have the most cumbersome labor market regulations in Latin America, these are not a major source of segmentation of the labor market. The reason: the benefits mandated are fully fungible with wages.Ecuadorian labor costs are said to be high because of a large array of mandated benefits. But there are several reasons to doubt that labor market regulations, cumbersome as they are, are responsible for segmentation of the labor market, let alone slow growth and increased inequality. And available evidence on the regulations' impact on the labor market is not compelling, as MacIsaac and Rama show.Using the 1994 Living Standards Measurement Survey, they show that the impact of mandated benefits is mitigated by a reduction of the base earnings on which they are calculated. Therefore, Ecuador's labor regulations do raise take-home pay, but less than the vast number of benefits would suggest. The increase in labor costs induced by compliance with labor regulations is even smaller than the corresponding increase in take-home pay, because mandated benefits are not subject to social security contributions or payroll taxes.Despite mandated benefits, wage differentials between industries are comparable to those in Bolivia, a country otherwise similar to Ecuador, yet known to have flexible labor markets.Cumbersome as they are, Ecuador`s labor market regulations cannot be held responsible for most labor market segmentation. Compliance with these regulations is associated with significantly higher take-home pay only in the public sector and where trade unions are active - and it is unclear that merely changing the labor code would bring wages down in those two areas.And the most dramatic earnings gap, the one between jobs in agriculture and the rest of the economy, appears to be largely independent of either unions or labor laws. Drastically streamlining the labor laws would be welcome, but only moderate change should be expected from such a reform.This paper is a product of the Poverty and Human Resources Division, Policy Research Department. The research was initiated in the context of a poverty assessment for Ecuador undertaken by Country Department III, Latin America and the Caribbean. The study was funded by the Bank's Research Support Budget under research project The Impact of Labor Market Policies and Institutions on Economic Performance (RPO 680-96).
January 1997 Although Ecuador may have the most cumbersome labor market regulations in Latin America, these are not a major source of segmentation of the labor market. The reason: the benefits mandated are fully fungible with wages. Ecuadorian labor costs are said to be high because of a large array of mandated benefits. But there are several reasons to doubt that labor market regulations, cumbersome as they are, are responsible for segmentation of the labor market, let alone slow growth and increased inequality. And available evidence on the regulations' impact on the labor market is not compelling, as MacIsaac and Rama show. Using the 1994 Living Standards Measurement Survey, they show that the impact of mandated benefits is mitigated by a reduction of the base earnings on which they are calculated. Therefore, Ecuador's labor regulations do raise take-home pay, but less than the vast number of benefits would suggest. The increase in labor costs induced by compliance with labor regulations is even smaller than the corresponding increase in take-home pay, because mandated benefits are not subject to social security contributions or payroll taxes. Despite mandated benefits, wage differentials between industries are comparable to those in Bolivia, a country otherwise similar to Ecuador, yet known to have flexible labor markets. Cumbersome as they are, Ecuador's labor market regulations cannot be held responsible for most labor market segmentation. Compliance with these regulations is associated with significantly higher take-home pay only in the public sector and where trade unions are active - and it is unclear that merely changing the labor code would bring wages down in those two areas. And the most dramatic earnings gap, the one between jobs in agriculture and the rest of the economy, appears to be largely independent of either unions or labor laws. Drastically streamlining the labor laws would be welcome, but only moderate change should be expected from such a reform. This paper is a product of the Poverty and Human Resources Division, Policy Research Department. The research was initiated in the context of a poverty assessment for Ecuador undertaken by Country Department III, Latin America and the Caribbean. The study was funded by the Bank's Research Support Budget under research project The Impact of Labor Market Policies and Institutions on Economic Performance (RPO 680-96). Martin Rama may be contacted at [email protected].
Simple numerical measures of the minimum wage may offer deceptive indicators of its impact. Alternative measures, such as kernel density or cumulative distribution plots, are more reliable, and highlight influences higher in the wage distribution or on the informal sector. Panel employment data from Colombia, where minimum wages seem high and binding, show that the minimum wage can have important impacts on wages and unemployment across the wage distribution.
Analyzes informality in Latin America, exploring root causes and reasons for and implications of its growth. This book uses two distinct but complementary lenses. It concludes that reducing informality levels and overcoming the "culture of informality" will require actions to increase aggregate productivity in the economy.
This book presents new data to give an overview of shadow economies from OECD countries and propose solutions to prevent illicit work.
This ILO flagship report examines the evolution of real wages around the world, giving a unique picture of wage trends globally and by region. The 2020-21 edition analyses the relationship of minimum wages and inequality, as well as the wage impacts of the COVID-19 crisis. The 2020-21 edition also reviews minimum wage systems across the world and identifies the conditions under which minimum wages can reduce inequality. The report presents comprehensive data on levels of minimum wages, their effectiveness, and the number and characteristics of workers paid at or below the minimum. The report highlights how adequate minimum wages, statutory or negotiated, can play a key role in a human-centred recovery from the crisis
This report quantifies labor mobility costs in developing countries and simulates the implied adjustment paths of employment and wages following a change in trade policy. High mobility costs are shown to reduce the potential gains to trade reform.
This report sheds light on major labor market issues and challenges that Morocco faces. It is the first phase of the programmatic jobs program jointly undertaken with the government of Morocco. The report is a jobs diagnostic that analyzes microdata mainly from Labor Force Surveys and employs new analytical methods to identify the main trends in the labor market. The key challenges that emerge will provide the basis for a deeper analysis and policy formulation in the next phase of this program. "Morocco’s Jobs Landscape" identifies four priorities: accelerate structural transformation to create more and better jobs in higher-productivity sectors, encourage formalization and improve the quality of jobs, increase female labor force participation, and address youth inactivity and its long-term consequences. Morocco has made significant economic progress over the past 20 years, which has raised the living standards of its people. However, Morocco’s economic growth has not been labor-intensive enough to absorb its growing working-age population. It has had a low capacity to generate jobs, and the rate of job creation slowed after the 2008 financial crisis. Morocco is trying to overcome the “middle-income trap,†? which has been preventing its convergence with more affluent middle-income countries. The government of Morocco has called for a new inclusive development model. The new model must address regional development imbalances, facilitate inclusion for youth and women, and continue to foster labor force skills upgrading. The COVID-19 pandemic and resultant safety measures have halted or slowed economic activity, which is worsening the labor market situation. The pandemic undoubtedly complicates prospects for jobs-led growth, and it will make the challenges highlighted in this report even more urgent and deserving of policy makers’ attention.