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Seminar paper from the year 2009 in the subject Politics - Topic: European Union, grade: 1,7, Hertie School of Governance (Master of Public Policy), language: English, abstract: 1. Introduction “Latin America is absent from the European agenda, except when a summit between the two regions comes around and Europe cannot show up empty‐handed.” This statement from the Spanish Elcano Royal Institute can be underlined by trade figures. 2008 only one Latin American country (Brazil) was among the 20 most important EU trading partners. The EU’s economic relations with countries like Vietnam, Kazakhstan or Angola are more substantial than with Venezuela, Colombia or Peru. While economic importance of Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) for the EU is small and even declining , relations are far more vital for the other side. In 2007, the EU was the second largest trading partner for the region and provided most foreign direct investments and official development assistance. Nonetheless, with only 4% of EU development aid, the region receives least in global comparison. From a LAC viewpoint, the relations have fallen short of expectations considering the strong historic and cultural ties and the hope created by the launch of a new strategy in the mid-90s promising greater access to the European market. Since 1999 five EU-LAC summits have been held declaring an interregional approach and the vision of a Bi‐regional Strategic Partnership but no significant progress has been achieved. In May 2010 another summit will take place, this time under Spanish Presidency, and skepticism exists whether great advancement can be reached. The paper will outline today’s EU-LAC relations and give an outlook for the future. A changed global scenario requires a new approach towards LAC which needs to consider the shortcomings in internal integration as well as the differences in development within the region. A pure focus on bilateral agreements will not be a sustainable solution. Moreover, trade centered negotiations with LAC countries do not acknowledge the growing political influence of the region. Thus, political dialogue and social issues should play a stronger role in interregional relations.
Studienarbeit aus dem Jahr 2006 im Fachbereich Politik - Region: Mittel- und Südamerika, Note: 2,3, Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg, Veranstaltung: Proseminar: Die Aussenbeziehungen der EU am Beispiel ausgewählter Regionen / Drittstaaten, Sprache: Deutsch, Abstract: Lateinamerika spielt auf der politischen und wirtschaftlichen Agenda Europas erst seit Mitte der 80er Jahre wieder eine Rolle. Die Gründe hierfür lassen sich im Wesentlichen auf drei Ursachen zurückführen. Erstens entdeckte man Lateinamerika nach den beiden Ölkrisen der 70er Jahre als Rohstofflieferanten wieder, zweitens spielt die Redemokratisierung vieler Länder Lateinamerikas seit Beginn der 80er Jahre eine entscheidende Rolle und schließlich sind der Beitritt Portugals und Spaniens zur EG als wichtige Indikatoren für den Politikwechsel zu werten.1 Im Rahmen dieser Seminararbeit versucht der Autor heraus zu arbeiten wie sich die Beziehungen zwischen Europa und Lateinamerika sowohl in politischer als auch in wirtschaftlicher Hinsicht seit den 80er Jahren entwickelt haben. Hierzu wird zuerst ein Überblick über die politischen und wirtschaftlichen Beziehungen beider Regionen in den 80er Jahren gegeben. Anfang der 90er Jahre kommt es schließlich durch zwei Ereignisse zu einer entscheidenden Zäsur im Verhältnis beider Kontinente. Einerseits endet durch den Zusammenbruch der Sowjetunion der alles dominierende Ost-West Konflikt, andererseits beginnt auch mit der Ratifizierung des EU-Vertrags in Maastricht 1992, die letztendlich zur Gründung der EU führt eine neue Ära in den Beziehungen beider Regionen. Auf lateinamerikanischer Seite kam es nach der „verlorenen Dekade“2 der 80er Jahre und dem darauf einsetzenden wirtschaftspolitischen Umbruch (Durchsetzung marktorientierter Reformen, Öffnung der Wirtschaft nach Außen) auch wieder zu einem internationalen Attraktivitätsgewinn. Weiterhin wurden „politische Vorraussetzungen geschaffen, damit in Zukunft mehr als in der Vergangenheit den Grundregeln makroökonomischer Stabilität Folge geleistet wird.“3 Ferner geht der Verfasser auf die außen- und sicherheitspolitischen Beziehungen ein, die die EU mit einzelnen Ländern bzw. Wirtschaftsblöcken unterhält. Im weiteren Verlauf dieser Arbeit wird die entwicklungspolitische Zusammenarbeit einer Analyse unterzogen und es wird versucht auf zu zeigen, in wie fern sie auf der Agenda der EU eine Rolle spielt. Im letzten Teil findet das Verhältnis der Vereinigten Staaten zu Südamerika Beachtung.
Who shapes the European Union’s policy towards Latin America? How has this EU policy modified individual member states’ relations with the region? This book provides a comparative account of seven member states’ bilateral links with Latin America since 1945, in the context of their EU membership and based on the concept of ‘Europeanization’. It illustrates how and why the main architects of this EU policy have been Spain and Germany. In contrast, Poland, Sweden and Ireland, which had little previous interaction with Latin America, have developed their current relations with that region virtually as a result of their EU membership. The United Kingdom and France lie in the middle: they have been influential in certain policy-areas and key periods in history, while they have adapted to what is done at the EU level in others. Practitioners, established academic experts as well emerging scholars in the field bring to be bear a novel combination of pioneering research and cutting edge conceptual analysis on this important but neglected area of the EU’s foreign relations.
This study investigates social and environmental impacts caused by an ecolabeled notebook along its entire life cycle. In order to analyse the divers effects of the laptop, a social life cycle assessment and an environmental life cycle assessment were performed in parallel. Both assessments together provide a holistic overview of positive and negative impacts in regard to social and environmental sustainability.This book contains the complete final report written by GreenDeltaTC on behalf of the Belgian Federal Public Planning Service Sustainable Development. It comprises the methodological background, the social inventory, process modifications with regard to the environmental inventory, and detailed results of the impact assessment phase. Further, a newly developed social impact assessment method is presented and applied. In addition, recommendations on company and policy level were derived.
The author argues that the countries that, at the end of the 20th century, have economic, social and ecological success will not be unleashed market economies but "active and learning societies" that attempt to solve their problems via an organizational and governance-related pluralism.
Science for Policy Handbook provides advice on how to bring science to the attention of policymakers. This resource is dedicated to researchers and research organizations aiming to achieve policy impacts. The book includes lessons learned along the way, advice on new skills, practices for individual researchers, elements necessary for institutional change, and knowledge areas and processes in which to invest. It puts co-creation at the centre of Science for Policy 2.0, a more integrated model of knowledge-policy relationship. Covers the vital area of science for policymaking Includes contributions from leading practitioners from the Joint Research Centre/European Commission Provides key skills based on the science-policy interface needed for effective evidence-informed policymaking Presents processes of knowledge production relevant for a more holistic science-policy relationship, along with the types of knowledge that are useful in policymaking
This volume presents an innovative view of the nation-state and its future.
This thesis deals with two theories of international trade: the theory of comparative advantage, which is connected to the name David Ricardo and is dominating current trade theory, and Adam Smith’s theory of absolute advantage. Both theories are compared and their assumptions are scrutinised. The former theory is rejected on theoretical and empirical grounds in favour of the latter. On the basis of the theory of absolute advantage, developments of free international trade are examined, whereby the focus is on trade between industrial and underdeveloped countries. The main conclusions are that trade patterns are determined by absolute production cost advantages and that the gap between developed and poor countries is not reduced but rather increased by free trade.
This book is the first to systematically introduce and apply a social constructivist perspective to the study of European integration. Social constructivism is carefully located in terms of its philosophical and methodological origins. The wider debates and contribution of constructivist approaches to international relations are reviewed, and the insights that might then be afforded to European studies fully explored. Highlights include: new theoretical contributions to the debate by Ernst B. Haas, Andrew Moravcsik and Steve Smith; research on key aspects of European integration and EU governance applying a variety of constructivist approaches. The Social Construction of Europe provides new and important in