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This report documents the proceedings of a two-day workshop held at the Sheraton Hotel, Pretoria, South Africa, 10-11 December 2004.
With one-fifth of the global population, South Asia is the largest democratic region in the world today even though military rule and monarchy still exist in certain countries. Political parties have played an active role in decolonization, freedom struggles and social change in the region and have been responsible for marrying democracy with development and social justice. Yet research shows that 40 per cent of the population in South Asia do not trust political parties, while only 11 per cent of those surveyed express great trust. Political Parties in South Asia: The Challenge of Change provides a comparative view of the conditions, roles and functioning of political parties in five countries of the South Asian region ¡ Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Sri Lanka and Pakistan. The publication builds on empirical information collected from 49 parties and addresses the challenges of politics as experienced by the key political actors themselves: the political parties. In addition, it includes practical recommendations for reforms in the party domain. By providing comparative information, this International IDEA publication aims to stimulate debate on the challenges faced by political parties in South Asia. It is especially aimed at political parties, scholars, policy makers and democracy assistance organizations working for political reform in South Asia.
This report examines women's political representation on the African continent, and shows how quotas have contributed to increasing their access to political power. The documented evidence from Africa is very encouraging: more than 20 countries on the continent either have legislated quotas or have political parties that have adopted them voluntarily. This report details the different quota types that are being implemented in different political contexts in 17 countries, including the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Egypt, Morocco, Mozambique, Namibia, Rwanda, Senegal, South Africa, Tanzania, and Uganda.
A United Nations University Press with University of Cape Town (UCT) Press publication Within southern Africa, there is an observable increase in dominant party systems, in which one political party dominates over a prolonged period of time, within a democratic system with regular elections. This party system has replaced the one-party system that dominated Africa's political landscape after the first wave of liberations in the 1950s and 1960s. This book seeks to understand this trend and its implications for southern Africa's democracies by comparing such systems in southern Africa with others in the developing world (such as India, South Korea, and Taiwan). In particular, the case of Zimbabwe stands out as a concerning example of the direction a dominant party can take: regression into authoritarianism. India, South Korea, and Taiwan present alternative routes for the dominant party system. The salient question posed by this book is: Which route are Botswana, Namibia and South Africa taking? It answers by drawing conclusions to determine whether these countries are moving toward liberal democracy, authoritarianism, or a road in between.
Africa is well known for the production of national liberation movements (NLMs), stemming from a history of exploitation, colonisation and slavery. NLMs are generally characterised by a struggle carried out by or in the name of suppressed people for political, social, cultural, economic, territorial liberation and decolonisation. Dozens of NLMs have ascended to state power in Africa following a successful violent popular struggle either as an outright military victory or a negotiated settlement. National Liberation Movements as Government in Africa analyses the performance of NLMs after they gain state power. The book tracks the initial promises and guiding principles of NLMs against their actual record in achieving socio-economic development goals such as peace, stability, state building and democratisation. The book explores the various different struggles for liberation, whether against European colonialism, white minority rule, neighbouring countries, or for internal reform or regime change. Bringing together case studies from Somalia, Somaliland, Uganda, Ethiopia, Eritrea, South Sudan, Namibia, Angola, Mozambique, South Africa, Zimbabwe, and Algeria, the book builds a comprehensive analysis of the challenges NLMs face when ascending to state power, and why so many ultimately end in failure. This is an ideal resource for scholars, policy makers and students with an interest in African development, politics, and security studies.
This book contributes to the current academic debate and scholarly research on conflict transformation in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) sub-region. It will serve as a guide on how conflict recurrences can best be tackled in the sub-region, and seeks to improve the transformation process of conflict and peace-building in the Kingdom in the Sky and in the sub-region at large. The book will shed light on the road ahead for the SADC and its role in transforming conflict into positive peace and peace-building, and will contribute to discussions on the necessity of a conflict transformation model as a key tool in efforts to transform the state of recurring intrastate conflict in Lesotho. Thus, this book will also enhance the literature and discourse on sub-regional organisations and their path towards conflict transformation on the African continent.
governments and the public at large. --Book Jacket.
One of the persistent democratic deficits throughout the world is women’s lack of influence in politics. In relation to political parties in particular, the voice of women in decision-making remains insufficient, and, in some cases, is nonexistent. This report is based on the findings of a two-year project implemented by International IDEA, aimed at analyzing the commitments of political parties to gender equality in 33 countries in Africa. One of the key findings from this research is that, although political parties’ constitutions and manifestos contain general gender equality commitments, their utility is limited by the lack of concrete measures to ensure that commitments are translated into effective actions and outcomes.