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We develop a random effects multinomial logit model to distinguish between unobserved and observed household characteristics as determinants of child labor and school attendance. Using a semi-parametric approach, the random effect is drawn from a discrete distribution of latent classes of households. The results show that household-level unobserved heterogeneity is substantial. Household-level unobserved heterogeneity swamps observed income and wealth heterogeneity. Households that belong to the class with a high latent propensity to send their children to work are not influenced by marginal changes in the explanatory variables. Households most sensitive to changes in explanatory variables are those with a high propensity to have their children neither in school nor working. Policy interventions and changes in external conditions are likely to produce large changes in the behavior of this group of families.
We develop a semi-parametric latent class random effects multinomial logit model to distinguish between observed and unobserved household characteristics as determinants of child labor, school attendance and idleness. We find that much of the substitution between activities as a response to changes in covariates is between attending school and being idle, with work being rather resistant. Unobserved household heterogeneity is substantial and swamps observed income and wealth heterogeneity. A characterization of households into latent types reveals very different instrinsic propensities towards the three children's activities and that households with a high propensity to send their children to school are poorer and have less educated parents compared to households in the other classes.
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March 1998 Most children in Côte d'Ivoire perform some kind of work. In rural areas, more than four of five children work, with only a third combining work with schooling. Child labor in Côte d'Ivoire increased in the 1980s because of a severe economic crisis. Two out of three urban children aged 7 to 17 work; half of them also attend school. In rural areas, more than four out of five children work, but only a third of them manage to combine work with schooling. Full-time work is less prevalent, but not negligible. Roughly 7 percent of urban children work full time (an average 46 hours a week). More than a third of rural children work full time (an average of 35 hours a week), with the highest incidence in the Savannah region. The incidence of such full-time work rises with age but is by no means limited to older children. The average age of the full-time child worker in Côte d'Ivoire is 12.7. These children have received an average 1.2 years of schooling. That child is also more likely to be ill or injured and is less likely to receive medical attention than other children. Urban children in the interior cities are far more likely to work and their working hours are much longer. Among rural children, those in the Savannah region (where educational infrastructure lags far behind the rest of the country) are most likely to work. Five factors affect a household's decision to supply child labor: * The age and gender of the child (girls are more likely to work, especially when the head of household is a woman). * The education and employment status of the parents (low parental education is a good targeting variable for interventions). * The availability of within-household employment opportunities. * The household's poverty status. * The household's location (calling for geographical targeting). With improved macroeconomic growth, it is hoped, child labor will decline-but a significant decline could take several generations. Meanwhile, it is important to: * Use a gradual approach toward the elimination of child work by aiming initial interventions at facilitating combined work and schooling. * Support the development of home enterprises as part of poverty alleviation programs, but combine it with incentives for school attendance. * Make school hours and vacation periods flexible (accommodating harvest times) in rural areas. This would also improve children's health. * Improve rural school attendance by having a school in the village rather than 1 to 5 kilometers away. * Improve educational investment in the Savannah. This paper is a product of the Social Development Department. The study was funded by the Bank's Research Support Budget under the research project Child Labor: What Role for Demand-Side Interventions (RPO 680-64). The author may be contacted at [email protected].
This article examines the relationship between illegal child labor and levels of school attendance. I study the effects of government transparency, government expenditure on education, and gender parity on both child labor and school attendance. Introduction. The United Nations dedicated 1979 as "The Year of the Child," prompting an increase in international concern regarding children's rights (Bessell, 1999 pp.360). Since then, important international agreements, including the seminal UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), enacted in 1990, have provided the impetus for further study on the issue by international organizations and academics alike (UNCRC, 1990). Most international laws dealing with children focus, in part, on child labor. As such, many studies have been conducted and a great deal of literature has been written on child labor. Fundamental to past research and literature has been examining the causal effects of social and political variables on the issue of child labor (Bessell, 1999; Canagarajah and Nielsen, 2001; Diller and Levy, 1997, Glut, 1995; Human Rights Watch, 1996; Human Rights Watch 2003). It is these variables I wish to study further, specifically examining their effect on the relationship between child labor and education. In examining the relationship between labor and education, I focus on the effect of three specific causal variables on this relationship: gender parity, government transparency, and government expenditure on education.