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In einer Zeit, in der weltweit sozialer Wandel als radikal beschleunigt wahrgenommen wird, erschien lange Zeit allein die westliche Demokratie als normatives und institutio nelles Unterpfand der Stabilität. Mit ihr schien in den rund zweihundert Jahren ihrer Geschichte die politische Form gefunden, in der sozialer Wandel besonders erfolgreich politisch verarbeitet werden könnte. Ihre weltweite Ausbreitung und faktische Univer salisierung schien in diesem beschleunigten Wandel nur eine Frage der Zeit zu sein. Nach der Implosion des sowjetischen Herrschaftsmodells wirkten die verbliebenen un demokratischen Regime nur noch wie vormoderne Relikte, die Idee alternativer und weltweit konkurrierender Entwicklungsmodelle politischer Gesellschaften verblaßte. Drei Entwicklungen haben diese Selbstgewißheit in Politik und Politikwissenschaft in den letzten Jahren verunsichert. China, einige islamische Gesellschaften und andere kleinere Staaten machen keine Anstalten, die westliche Demokratie zu übernehmen. Vielmehr proklamieren sie in mehr oder weniger starker Auseinandersetzung mit westlichen Vorstellungen "eigene Wege" mit anderen normativen Prioritäten und anderen kulturellen Grundlagen. In den westlichen Demokratien wächst das Bewußtsein, daß in dem alle anderen gesellschaftlichen Bereiche umkrempelnden schnellen sozialen Wandel eine Dynamik enthalten sei, die auch die bisher als stabil und "endgültig" gedachten Institutionen der westlichen Demokratien erfassen könnte.
In einer Zeit, in der weltweit sozialer Wandel als radikal beschleunigt wahrgenommen wird, erschien lange Zeit allein die westliche Demokratie als normatives und institutio nelles Unterpfand der Stabilität. Mit ihr schien in den rund zweihundert Jahren ihrer Geschichte die politische Form gefunden, in der sozialer Wandel besonders erfolgreich politisch verarbeitet werden könnte. Ihre weltweite Ausbreitung und faktische Univer salisierung schien in diesem beschleunigten Wandel nur eine Frage der Zeit zu sein. Nach der Implosion des sowjetischen Herrschaftsmodells wirkten die verbliebenen un demokratischen Regime nur noch wie vormoderne Relikte, die Idee alternativer und weltweit konkurrierender Entwicklungsmodelle politischer Gesellschaften verblaßte. Drei Entwicklungen haben diese Selbstgewißheit in Politik und Politikwissenschaft in den letzten Jahren verunsichert. China, einige islamische Gesellschaften und andere kleinere Staaten machen keine Anstalten, die westliche Demokratie zu übernehmen. Vielmehr proklamieren sie in mehr oder weniger starker Auseinandersetzung mit westlichen Vorstellungen "eigene Wege" mit anderen normativen Prioritäten und anderen kulturellen Grundlagen. In den westlichen Demokratien wächst das Bewußtsein, daß in dem alle anderen gesellschaftlichen Bereiche umkrempelnden schnellen sozialen Wandel eine Dynamik enthalten sei, die auch die bisher als stabil und "endgültig" gedachten Institutionen der westlichen Demokratien erfassen könnte.
This book of a renowned political scientist and specialist in political theory fundamentally challenges the new fashion of post-democracy by offering an outlook on ‘neo-democracy’. The political periods are similar to epochs in modern art, where ‘neo’ succeeded Post-impressionism and Post-expressionism. This book reviews the topical debate on postdemocracy and scenarios of decline in democratic theory without the alternative of dictatorship. It discusses criticism of politics in the old and new media and a new culture of protest. It addresses new forms of participation and the dangers of populism and right-wing extremism. It proposes institutional reforms of democracy, of the parliamentary system and the party state, in negotiations of coalition-building, in governmental declarations and for the policy output. The book concludes with a debate of normative models of democracy from ‘Post-democracy’ to ‘Neo-democracy’, models of justice and theories of democratic reform.
The ascendancy of neo-liberalism in different parts of the world has put social democracy on the defensive. Its adherents lack a clear rationale for their policies. Yet a justification for social democracy is implicit in the United Nations Covenants on Human Rights, ratified by most of the worlds countries. The covenants commit all nations to guarantee that their citizens shall enjoy the traditional formal rights; but they likewise pledge governments to make those rights meaningful in the real world by providing social security and cultural recognition to every person. This new book provides a systematic defence of social democracy for our contemporary global age. The authors argue that the claims to legitimation implicit in democratic theory can be honored only by social democracy; libertarian democracies are defective in failing to protect their citizens adequately against social, economic, and environmental risks that only collective action can obviate. Ultimately, social democracy provides both a fairer and more stable social order. But can social democracy survive in a world characterized by pervasive processes of globalization? This book asserts that globalization need not undermine social democracy if it is harnessed by international associations and leavened by principles of cultural respect, toleration, and enlightenment. The structures of social democracy must, in short, be adapted to the exigencies of globalization, as has already occurred in countries with the most successful social-democratic practices.
Redescriptions was recently renamed as the Yearbook of Political Thought, Conceptual History and Feminist Theory. In volume 12 (2008) aspects of studying the politics of the past are thematized through feminist historians' discussion on war and the role of the worker in communist regimes. One article and two comments on an article published in volume 11 deal with contemporary theories of democracy. One of the included articles discusses the chances of democratization in the EU, and one carries out a fictional analysis of an undemocratic regime. Three articles propose rhetorical redescriptions of key political concepts, namely "objectivity", "decision" and "patriotism".
European governance ranks high on the present research agenda on Europe. Based on new empirical research, this book presents a broad-ranging view of the multi-faceted interdependence of EU and national governance.
Klaus von Beyme, a highly distinguished German political scientist, has been recognised as a “Pioneer in the Study of Political Theory and Comparative Politics”. When he received the highly esteemed Mattei Dogan Award during the XXII World Congress of Political Science in Madrid on 12 July 2012, in his laudatio Rainer Eisfeld portrayed Klaus v. Beyme as a “Global Scholar and Public Intellectual”. On the occasion of Klaus v. Beyme’s 80th birthday this book offers a selection of his major previously published and new texts focusing on “Empirical Political Theory”, “The Evolution of Comparative Politics, Revival of Normative Political Theory in Empirical Research”, “Theodor W. Adorno - Political Theory as Theory of Aesthetics”, “Historical Forerunners of Policy Studies”, “Political Institutions – Old and New”, “Representative Democracy and the Populist Temptation”, “Political Advisors to Politicians”, and on “The Concept of Political Class: A New Dimension of Research on Elites?”.
Smismans gathers a fine selection of papers. The book gains particular authority from its interdisciplinary approach. Ulrike Ehling, European Law Journal This book explores the concept of civil society , which over recent years has been revived and introduced into the institutional debate within the EU. Significantly, EU institutions themselves have made reference to civil society and, on an academic plane, it has been argued that the debate on the legitimacy of European governance should value the role of civil society organisations. Bringing together lawyers and political scientists, the book studies the role of civil society organisations in the multi-level context of European governance. Civil Society and Legitimate European Governance bridges the distance between normative suggestions, legal instruments and empirical analysis. Providing original contributions to the research on European governance, this book will appeal to all scholars and students with an interest in European integration and European institutions.
The theory and concept of multi-level governance (MLG) is a fairly recent one, emerging from the deepening integration of the European Union in the early 1990s and the development of free trade agreements around the world. MLG enlarges the traditional approaches, namely those of neo-institutionalism and multinational federalism, by offering a better understanding of the role of the state, regions and provinces. The book analyses the changes that have taken place as well as those that might take place in the future.