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Opinions are like flare, which can turn either way: they can spread like wild fire or encapsulate themselves within the bounds of personal integrity, and thus illuminate. I started writing opinions in the late 2008 through my blogs. I admit at times I did go wild with unsubstantiated accusations and surmises, leading to risky speculations and irresponsible opinions. Recently, I published a comprehensive book of my writings entitled Writings @ Ankur Mutreja, and the present book is a short selection of my opinions presented therein with emphasis on responsible writing. I am an advocate by profession; therefore, most of my opinions have a tint of law; in the first part, the expression is simple; so, it is for lay persons who won’t mind a little exercise of mind in the legal arena; whereas, in the second part, I have gone whole hog with law, and I admit those without formal legal training may find it convenient to ignore. My style of writing is terse and pointed, but at times I have gone overboard like in one particular opinion on Aarushi murder, where emotions and logic intermingled in an expanded narrative. Rights, especially privacy and equality, are my area of focus; therefore most of my opinions herein; i.e., the ones discussing Brain Research, NCTC, Sting Operations, LGBTs, Prostitution, SC/ST quotas, and AADHAR/NPR; are focused on these two areas. In my selection, I have tried steering clear of politics, but politics is nevertheless all encompassing; however, one opinion on tussle between Delhi Police and AAP is majorily political; another political opinion, but with a strong emphasis on law, is the discussion of Zakia Jaffrey case. There were few very big events in the recent past; one amongst them is the Nirbhaya murder, and I have also discussed it, though my take is slightly different: I think the murder has been manipulated by the vested interests. I am a resident of an unauthorized colony; therefore, my opinion on Unauthorized Colonies has found place in the present selection; though I admit had the case been different, I wouldn’t have included it; so please bear with my little bias. Though I have no expertise in international affairs, I have taken a plunge into it albeit within the ambit of my legal training; the topics discussed are Indo-Pak relationship and Julian Assange. Finally, in the second part, I have discussed various judgments and laws. I would recommend anybody to read at least my critique of Aarushi Judgement. Other than that I have critiqued Binayak Sen Judgement and Aruna Shaunbaug Judgement. In the second part, I have also critiqued RTI Act and Amendments in IPC post Nirbhaya murder. This is a non-professional endeavor; therefore, you may be able to download it either free or for a small price, and the royalties, if any, accumulating where from will go in charity. Enjoy Reading! Ankur Mutreja.
The book, packed in 22 chapters, provides in-depth and detailed information on different aspects of urban development. Issues, such as education, health, power, transport, stray animals, tourism, water, greenery, pollution, waste and sanitation management, disaster management, adulteration, crimes, social life, civic infrastructure, encroachment, unauthorized construction and illegal colonies, which the people in Delhi have been confronting for long, have been covered under the book. As Delhi is the national capital and the mirror of the country, the author has attempted to focus on the development of it as a role model of the urban India, to be replicated by others in respect of issues that affect the day-to-day life of a common man, people of all age groups, sex, religion, region, poor and rich, students, public and private sectors, bureaucrats, businessmen, industrialists and politicians. The book will be of immense value to policymakers, programme planners, public and private sectors, NGOs, social workers, environmental workers, educationists, developmental practitioners and the Delhiites who dream to see Delhi as "a world-class city".
FROM THE AUTHOR OF GANDHI'S ASSASSIN ‘A compelling portrait of M. S. Golwalkar.’—Thomas Blom Hansen ‘…[biography of] one of the most secretive public figures of post-independence India.’—Chistophe Jaffrelot ‘A disturbing book, because of its revelations on the inner working of the RSS.’—Mridula Mukherjee Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar, or Guruji as he is reverentially referred to by his followers, is regarded as the demi-god of Hindutva politics and often accorded a status higher than even the founder of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, K. B. Hedgewar. In 1940, when 34-year-old Golwalkar unexpectedly assumed charge of the RSS on Hedgewar’s death, the Hindu militia was still in its nascent stage, with pockets of influence mainly in Maharashtra. Under Golwalkar’s leadership over the next three decades, the RSS and its allied organizations, known as the Sangh Parivar, extended its network across the entire country and penetrated almost every aspect of Indian society. Golwalkar’s ideological influence was enormous—and it did not end with his death. Golwalkar’s prescriptions in his incendiary book We or Our Nationhood Defined, published in 1939, now became central to the ideological training and radicalization of youth dedicated to the idea of a Hindu Rashtra. Here, Golwalkar prescribed a solution to India’s ‘minority problem’ based on the Nazi treatment of Jews in the Third Reich. As Dhirendra K. Jha conclusively establishes in this book, this would eventually provide the core of the Sangh’s credo and, as events in the recent past have borne out, have a lasting influence on Indian politics. Drawing from a wealth of original archival material and interviews, the deeply researched and scholarly Golwalkar: The Myth Behind the Man, the Man Behind the Machine pierces through the many legends built around the man in the biographies written by his loyalists during his own lifetime. Jha traces Golwalkar’s path from a directionless youth to a demagogue who plotted to capture political power by countering the secularist vision of nationalist leaders from Nehru to Gandhi. Ambitious, insecure, tactical and secretive—Jha draws a compelling and sinister portrait of one of the most prominent Hindutva leaders, and of the RSS and its worldview that evolved under him.
A riveting account of how a popularly elected leader has steered the world's largest democracy toward authoritarianism and intolerance Over the past two decades, thanks to Narendra Modi, Hindu nationalism has been coupled with a form of national-populism that has ensured its success at the polls, first in Gujarat and then in India at large. Modi managed to seduce a substantial number of citizens by promising them development and polarizing the electorate along ethno-religious lines. Both facets of this national-populism found expression in a highly personalized political style as Modi related directly to the voters through all kinds of channels of communication in order to saturate the public space. Drawing on original interviews conducted across India, Christophe Jaffrelot shows how Modi's government has moved India toward a new form of democracy, an ethnic democracy that equates the majoritarian community with the nation and relegates Muslims and Christians to second-class citizens who are harassed by vigilante groups. He discusses how the promotion of Hindu nationalism has resulted in attacks against secularists, intellectuals, universities, and NGOs. Jaffrelot explains how the political system of India has acquired authoritarian features for other reasons, too. Eager to govern not only in New Delhi, but also in the states, the government has centralized power at the expense of federalism and undermined institutions that were part of the checks and balances, including India's Supreme Court. Modi's India is a sobering account of how a once-vibrant democracy can go wrong when a government backed by popular consent suppresses dissent while growing increasingly intolerant of ethnic and religious minorities.
In Sexual States Jyoti Puri tracks the efforts to decriminalize homosexuality in India to show how the regulation of sexuality is fundamentally tied to the creation and enduring existence of the state. Since 2001 activists have attempted to rewrite Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code, which in addition to outlawing homosexual behavior is often used to prosecute a range of activities and groups that are considered perverse. Having interviewed activists and NGO workers throughout five metropolitan centers, investigated crime statistics and case law, visited various state institutions, and met with the police, Puri found that Section 377 is but one element of how homosexuality is regulated in India. This statute works alongside the large and complex system of laws, practices, policies, and discourses intended to mitigate sexuality's threat to the social order while upholding the state as inevitable, legitimate, and indispensable. By highlighting the various means through which the regulation of sexuality constitutes India's heterogeneous and fragmented "sexual state," Puri provides a conceptual framework to understand the links between sexuality and the state more broadly.
This Book Is Neither A Police Jargon , Nor A Departmental Guide. It Contains An Analytical Study Of The Attitude Of The Government, The Political Parties, The Public, The Press And Above All The Policemen Themselves In Their Efforts To Enforce Efficiently The Laws Of The Land. Apart From These Aspects, A Com¬Prehensive Account Of All The Functions Of The Police Force, Including Their Woes Have Been Given.The Rulers Have Blatantly Used The Police For The Perpetuation Of Their Rule. In This Democratic Country The People Have To Decide Whether They Should Allow The Police Force To Drift Haphazardly From One Policy To Another, Or To Allow Expediency Overcome Principles, When The Police Service Is Capable Enough To Sustain Or Destroy The Well-Being And Happiness Of The Community. And In This Context To Whom The Police Should Be Accountable?
Kapur Commission Report deals with the Conspiracy to Murder of Mahatma Gandhi who was shot dead point-blank range by Nathuram Vinayak Godse in Birla House Prayer Gardens on 30th January 1948. Three among the eight accused i.e. Madanlal, Karkare, and Gopal Godse were released on12th October 1964 after completion of their life-sentence and honoured on November 12, 1964 in Pune at a private function presided by Dr. G.V. Ketkar. In that function, Delhi and Bombay Civil and Police administration were strongly condemned for their laxity and dereliction of duty which ultimately resulted in the murder of Mahatma Gandhi. The Indian Express dated November 14, 1964 commented adversely about this function. There was a furore in Bombay Legislative Assembly and Indian Parliament which led the instituion of Kapur Inquiry Commission. The Commission’s report was made public in 1970s. This digitised Report in two parts is an indispensable one for Judicial Officers & Police Officials, Lawyers & Students of Legal Studies, Historians & Human Right Activists, and above all for Indian Politicians & Bureaucrats in discharging their official duties without any commission or omission and comprehending the social responsibility that is to be shouldered as and when required in times of crisis. By S. PADMAVATHI and D.G. HARIPRASATH.
Abuse of senior citizens is often an unspoken issue in India. Compared to other kinds of abuse, senior citizen abuse is unique in the fact that it often happens within the same household in which the senior citizens are staying, the abusers are family members on whom the person is dependent and most often the abuses go unreported. Even though traditionally Indian culture promotes respect for senior citizens, with the changing lifestyles and moving away from joint families and even nuclear families, abuse has become a big issue. Some people may treat their senior citizen parents or family members as a burden and not look after them well, others may be more interested in their property to which they may hold the title, and ill treat them in order to get rights to the property. This problem may be becoming worse because of the Covid pandemic, since senior citizens may be less mobile, less familiar with apps and services and also scared to move out for fear of catching the disease. Moreover, senior citizens are often scared psychologically of courts and police and may be unfamiliar with laws protecting them, in case of abuses. Lack of familiarity with technology is another big problem, since many of the protections depend on access to the internet and filing online complaints at various web portals and senior citizen helplines. Because of all this, senior citizens even if they face abuse are reluctant or not able to report it. Although laws and institutions do exist in India to prevent abuse and provide relief to senior citizens, in practice there may be lack of awareness of such laws, also it may be difficult for senior citizens to access these protections due to reasons mentioned. Hence, in this book we focus on the practical steps that a senior citizen or their well-wishers need to take to obtain support and protection.
The book is about Assam’s origin, Assam’s natural and cultural beauty, and again Assam’s political history of destruction by division along with the entry of uncounted immigrants. Also how the powerful the central government has brought the new issue of CAA and NRC in front keeping the issue of development at the back. It also outlines how Gandhi brought Hindu-Muslim hatred of violence under the shadow of “Non-Violence” and “Khilafat” and divided the country and Assam-Bengal but Corona has united mankind keeping behind all religious bigotry. And in the end how the pain of division had brought back the violence in the Capital of Delhi and degraded the value of democracy in the international arena and at last a dream of a bright future through a United British India.