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"Two trends-deglobalization and the evolution of cheap, smart weapons-will fundamentally alter world economic and security orders. The return of production and services to the United States will reduce the interest of the American people in maintaining stability in the international system. Reinforcing this trend, resultant employment disruptions, the oncoming U.S. debt and budget crises will force national leaders to choose whether to allocate resources to domestic, particularly entitlement, spending or to overseas efforts. Even more important, the new generation of weapons will dramatically increase the cost in blood and treasure of U.S. military engagements. In sum, the fourth industrial revolution will see major shifts in economic and military conditions facing the United States. Fortunately, the United States is very well positioned to exploit this opportunity to greatly improve both its economy and defense. Deglobalization and International Security illuminates how the fourth industrial revolution will fundamentally alter global economic and security arrangements and offers options that allow U.S. leaders to exploit the fourth industrial revolution to provide economic and military security for the nation. This is an important book for those in political science, international relations, and conflict and security studies"--
This book illuminates how the fourth industrial revolution will fundamentally alter global economic and security arrangements and offers options that allow U.S. leaders to exploit it to provide economic and military security for the nation, as well as important insights for fields ranging from strategy to trade to defense.
T. X. Hammes advances the argument that the emerging fourth industrial revolution is reversing globalization. The convergence of new technologies is changing how and where we create wealth. Quite simply, business will make more money by producing and selling locally than internationally. As wealth creation becomes local or regional, so does security. Hammes makes the case that this period of deglobalization will be long-term. How and where wealth was generated often drove conflict in the past. The major shift in wealth generation driven by the fourth industrial revolution will have a profound impact on the nature of state relationships and international security. A major development is the emergence of small, smart, and cheap but highly capable weapons systems. These systems will allow small states, and even insurgent groups, to impose very high costs on the United States if it chooses to intervene in local conflicts. It is essential for policy-makers to be aware of the range of effects this revolutionary shift will bring about. They must investigate the impact on U.S. security while there is still time to change our concepts, structures, and plans.
Distinguished scholars assess the emerging international order, examining leading theories, the major powers, and potential problems.
A comprehensive treatment of regional transformation, offering insights from different theoretical perspectives and generating a range of policy-relevant ideas.
After the end of World War II, the United States, by far the dominant economic and military power at that time, joined with the surviving capitalist democracies to create an unprecedented institutional framework. By the 1980s many contended that these institutions--the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (now the World Trade Organization), the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund--were threatened by growing economic nationalism in the United States, as demonstrated by increased trade protection and growing budget deficits. In this book, Robert Gilpin argues that American power had been essential for establishing these institutions, and waning American support threatened the basis of postwar cooperation and the great prosperity of the period. For Gilpin, a great power such as the United States is essential to fostering international cooperation. Exploring the relationship between politics and economics first highlighted by Adam Smith, Karl Marx, and other thinkers of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Gilpin demonstrated the close ties between politics and economics in international relations, outlining the key role played by the creative use of power in the support of an institutional framework that created a world economy. Gilpin's exposition of the in.uence of politics on the international economy was a model of clarity, making the book the centerpiece of many courses in international political economy. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, when American support for international cooperation is once again in question, Gilpin's warnings about the risks of American unilateralism sound ever clearer.
Re-Globalization examines the changing face of globalization, with political, economic, and social balances in flux, and tensions increasing in many parts of the globe. This book discusses and problematizes the current transition phase of globalization in response to issues such as inequalities, climate change, and health crises, offering a comprehensive collection of responses to the question “what is re- globalization?” The authors discuss the various definitions and forms of re-globalization, using a range of approaches, examples, and case studies in order to shed light on this process. The analysis of the phenomenon of re- globalization – understood as an economic, political, and social process – is both inter- and transdisciplinary. This volume offers contributions from academic disciplines within the social sciences, as well as technology, global security, global studies, health, and climate and environmental sciences. Overall, the book analyzes and illustrates how globalization shifts are interconnected and how they relate to a transition in global society, proposing a framework for a series of future scenarios. This socio- geographically diverse book will be of great interest to students, scholars, and researchers across a broad spectrum of disciplines exploring the future of globalization.
""We live in a period of uncertainty about the fate of American global leadership and the future of international order. The 2016 election of Donald Trump led many to pronounce the death, or at least terminal decline, of liberal international order - the system of institutions, rules, and values associated with the American-dominated international system. But the truth is that the unravelling of American global order began over a decade earlier. Exit from Hegemony develops an integrated approach to understanding the rise and decline of hegemonic orders. It calls attention to three drivers of transformation in contemporary order. First, great powers, most notably Russia and China, contest existing norms and values, while simultaneously building new spheres of international order through regional institutions. Second, the loss of the "patronage monopoly" once enjoyed by the United States and its allies allows weaker states to seek alternative providers of economic and military goods - providers who do not condition their support on compliance with liberal economic and political principles. Third, transnational counter-order movements, usually in the form of illiberal and right-wing nationalists, undermine support for liberal order and the American international system, including within the United States itself. Exit from Hegemony demonstrates that these broad sources of transformation - from above, below, and within - have transformed past international orders and undermine prior hegemonic powers. It provides evidence that that all three are, in the present, mutually reinforcing one another and, therefore, that the texture of world politics may be facing major changes""--
Rapid increases in international economic exchanges during the past four decades have made national economies very open to the world economy by historical standards. Much recent economic analysis has been devoted to exploring the effects of such internationalization on macroeconomic policy options, national competitiveness, and rewards to various factors of production. The central proposition of this volume is that we can no longer understand politics within countries without comprehending the nature of the linkages between national economies and the world economy, and changes in such linkages. The authors examine the effect of internationalization on the policy preferences of socio-economic and political agents within countries toward national policies and national policy-making institutions and on the national policies and policy institutions themselves.