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This book probes the depths of libertarian philosophy and highlights the need for laws that protect all individuals in society. This book defines libertarianism as a theory of what is just law, it is predicated upon the non-aggression principle (NAP). This legal foundation of the libertarian philosophy states that it should be illicit to threaten or engage in initiatory violence against innocent people. Ultimately, this book presents the notion, defend the “undefendable.” This book defines that as; any person, institution, professional, worker, which is either reviled by virtually everyone, or prohibited by law, and does not violate the NAP. Weaved throughout, this book uses political philosophy to present three fundamental premises to explain this libertarian point of view. Firstly, this book defines the non-aggression principle (NAP). Secondly, demonstrates the importance and relevance of private property rights in this context. This book uses practical examples to demonstrate the theoretical application of freedom rights using libertarianism principles.
Charged with defending the convicted and unrepentant mass murderer Ted Bundy during the last three years of his life, newly-minted Washington, D. C. attorney Polly Nelson fought to keep him out of the electric chair. In the now-classic Defending the Devil, she recounts with powerful honesty her own challenging role in the drama. Viewing herself as a compassionate humanitarian first, Nelson reveals her struggle to uphold her professional vow to represent her client (and try to save his life) while simultaneously being deeply mortified by the magnitude of his heinous crimes. Bundy's legal proceedings are meticulously recounted here, offering an eye-opening glimpse into the complex judicial appeals system. In addition to her fascinating behind-the-scenes look at the court proceedings, Nelson offers her unique insight into the mind of the killer. She paints a portrait of him as something less-than the diabolical evil genius suggested by his notoriety. While making no excuses for his despicable actions and acknowledging his "absolute misogyny," Nelson explores psychological angles to the case that many previously ignored. Showing a decidedly humanist slant, she brings Bundy's overt mental illness to the fore and makes a compelling case against the use of capital punishment. While ultimately unable to stay Bundy's execution, Nelson found a true calling in the fight to appeal the sentence. With candor and wit, she shares her own personal journey of emotional and intellectual transformation as a lawyer. "I was born to represent Ted Bundy," she writes.
Anarcho-capitalism is the most exciting social philosophy of modern times. But how does it work? This book illuminates the ethical system at the heart of anarcho-capitalism. It builds the non-aggression principle from praxeological foundations and develops techniques for applying it to real world conflicts. It explores the edges of libertarianism to show where it shines, and where it fails. “This is an excellent book on anarcho-capitalism. It covers all the bases, and then some. This is an enjoyable read, an easy read, and at the end of the road lies real insight. Five stars.” - Walter Block, author of Defending the Undefendable “I was dreading reading this, but it is conceptually excellent.” - Michael Malice, author of The New Right “This book uses praxeology to define libertarianism based on the non-aggression principle. Ancaps may find the implications disconcerting, or illuminating.” – Stephan Kinsella, author of Against Intellectual Property “For those who enjoy going deep into libertarian theory, the thought experiments and strategies in this book will prove valuable.” – Jakub Bozydar Wisniewski, author of Libertarian Quandaries
In the tradition of bestselling legal memoirs from Johnnie Cochran, F. Lee Bailey, Gerry Spence, and Alan Dershowitz, John Henry Browne's memoir, The Devil's Defender, recounts his tortuous education in what it means to be an advocate—and a human being. For the last four decades, Browne has defended the indefensible. From Facebook folk hero "the Barefoot Bandit" Colton Moore, to Benjamin Ng of the Wah Mee massacre, to Kandahar massacre culprit Sgt. Robert Bales, Browne's unceasing advocacy and the daring to take on some of the most unwinnable cases—and nearly win them all—has led 48 Hours' Peter Van Sant to call him "the most famous lawyer in America." But although the Browne that America has come to know cuts a dashing and confident figure, he has forever been haunted by his job as counsel to Ted Bundy, the most famous serial killer in American history. A drug- and alcohol-addicted (yet wildly successful) defense attorney who could never let go of the case that started it all, Browne here asks of himself the question others have asked him all along: does defending evil make you evil, too?
This work is dedicated to my fellow Americans, some 40,000 of them per year who have died needlessly in traffic fatalities. It is my sincere hope and expectation that under a system of private roads and highways in the future, that this number may be radically reduced.
The book the American Prospect calls “an essential resource for future reformers on how not to govern,” by America’s leading defender of the public interest and a bestselling historian “An essential read for those who want to fight the assault on public goods and the commons.” —Naomi Klein A sweeping exposé of the ways in which private interests strip public goods of their power and diminish democracy, the hardcover edition of The Privatization of Everything elicited a wide spectrum of praise: Kirkus Reviews hailed it as “a strong, economics-based argument for restoring the boundaries between public goods and private gains,” Literary Hub featured the book on a Best Nonfiction list, calling it “a far-reaching, comprehensible, and necessary book,” and Publishers Weekly dubbed it a “persuasive takedown of the idea that the private sector knows best.” From Diane Ravitch (“an important new book about the dangers of privatization”) to Heather McGhee (“a well-researched call to action”), the rave reviews mirror the expansive nature of the book itself, covering the impact of privatization on every aspect of our lives, from water and trash collection to the justice system and the military. Cohen and Mikaelian also demonstrate how citizens can—and are—wresting back what is ours: A Montana city took back its water infrastructure after finding that they could do it better and cheaper. Colorado towns fought back well-funded campaigns to preserve telecom monopolies and hamstring public broadband. A motivated lawyer fought all the way to the Supreme Court after the state of Georgia erected privatized paywalls around its legal code. “Enlightening and sobering” (Rosanne Cash), The Privatization of Everything connects the dots across a wide range of issues and offers what Cash calls “a progressive voice with a firm eye on justice [that] can carefully parse out complex issues for those of us who take pride in citizenship.”
Walter Block has for decades been one of the most effective and indefatigable defenders of libertarianism. One feature in his writing stands out, from his classic Defending the Undefendable to the present. He consistently applies the principles of libertarianism to every situation in a bold and original way. Readers of Toward a Libertarian Society, a collection of his articles from lewrockwell.com, will find this feature abundantly on display. Block believes that libertarianism has three components: foreign policy, economic policy, and policies on personal liberties. He devotes a separate part of the book to each of these components. In foreign affairs, Block is a resolute non-interventionist. He is an anarchist who rejects the state altogether; but, so long as a state exists, it should confine its foreign policy to defense against invasion. Doing so is in line with the tradition of Washington and John Quincy Adams. In our own day, Ron Paul has been the foremost champion of non-intervention; and Paul has few, if any, more ardent advocates than Walter Block. In economic policy, Block defends the free market against all types of interference. One issue especially concerns him: the activities of labor unions. Against union advocates, Block emphasizes that wages depend on workers’ marginal productivity. Block is equally decisive in macroeconomics. He calls for the total abolition of the Fed. Block, never one to avoid controversy, argues that much in the contemporary feminist movement is antithetical to libertarianism. Readers will learn his views about abortion, stem-cell research, and punishment theory. He is a firm advocate of the possibility and desirability of political secession. Reading Toward a Libertarian Society is the equivalent of a college course in libertarianism, taught by a master teacher.
Water covers some 75% of the earth’s surface, while land covers 25%, approximately. Yet the former accounts for less than 1% of world GDP, the latter 99% plus. Part of the reason for this imbalance is that there are more people located on land than water. But a more important explanation is that while land is privately owned, water is unowned (with the exception of a few small lakes and ponds), or governmentally owned (rivers, large lakes). This gives rise to the tragedy of the commons: when something is unowned, people have less of an incentive to care for it, preserve it, and protect it, than when they own it. As a result we have oil spills, depletion of fish stocks, threatened extinction of some species (e.g. whales), shark attacks, polluted and dried-up rivers, misallocated water, unsafe boating, piracy, and other indices of economic disarray which, if they had occurred on the land, would have been more easily identified as the result of the tragedy of the commons and/or government ownership and mismanagement. The purpose of this book is to make the case for privatization of all bodies of water, without exception. In the tragic example of the Soviet Union, the 97% of the land owned by the state accounted for 75% of the crops. On the 3% of the land privately owned, 25% of the crops were grown. The obvious mandate requires that we privatize the land, and prosper. The present volume applies this lesson, in detail, to bodies of water.