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Langan reclaims neo-colonialism as an analytical force for making sense of the failure of ‘development’ strategies in many African states in an era of free market globalisation. Eschewing polemics and critically engaging the work of Ghana’s first President – Kwame Nkrumah – the book offers a rigorous assessment of the concept of neo-colonialism. It then demonstrates how neo-colonialism remains an impediment to genuine empirical sovereignty and poverty reduction in Africa today. It does this through examination of corporate interventions; Western aid-giving; the emergence of ‘new’ donors such as China; EU-Africa trade regimes; the securitisation of development; and the UN Sustainable Development Goals. Throughout the chapters, it becomes clear that the current challenges of African development cannot be solely pinned on so-called neo-patrimonial elites. Instead it becomes imperative to fully acknowledge, and interrogate, corporate and donor interventions which lock many poorer countries into neo-colonial patterns of trade and production. The book provides an original contribution to studies of African political economy, demonstrating the on-going relevance of the concept of neo-colonialism, and reclaiming it for scholarly analysis in a global era.
Scientific Study from the year 2011 in the subject African Studies - Culture and Applied Geography, , language: English, abstract: Slavery, Colonialism and neo-colonialism have been described as the tripartite crime against Africa. A crime attributable to the Euro-Americans. Two nations laid the foundation of what later became the Trans-Atlantic slave trade. These were Portugal and Spain.The voyage of discovery reached Black Africa in 1445, when Dinis Dias and Lanzarote de Freitas anchored their fleets at the mouth of the Senegal River, and reconnoitered some of the Cape Verde islands. The remaining parts of the Archipelago was discovered jointly by the Venetian Alvise de Cadamosto (1430-1480), Antonio Uso Mare from Genoa. There were no further discoveries until the death of Henry the Navigator in 1460. As at this period the local chiefs were already into the lucrative slave trade. Pedro de Cintas in 1462 discovered the coasts of Guinea, the Bissagos Islands, Sierra Leone and Liberia. Fernando Po and Lopez Gonzalves navigated Fernando Po and Sao Tome Islands. Vasco Da Gama came on stage between 1460-1524, got through Cape Verde and rounded the Cape of Good Hope (20th march 1499). Thus, the routes to the Indies were opened. Diego Dias took another flank, reaching Madagascar (1500), Ascension Island (1501) and Islands of St. Helena (1502). With these breath-taking voyages of discovery it became possible to cross the Atlantic directly without passing through the harsh West African Coast. The Mediterranean had always been the centre of attraction. It united North Africa and Europe. When it fell into the hands of Islam, Europe, particularly Portugal and Spain sought for alternative routes. Islam could not match the Christian nations in the mastery of the sea in quest of economic prosperity. It therefore took the Portuguese nearly 100 years (1415-1498) to reconnoiter the precise circumference of Africa. In this way trans-Atlantic trade replaced Trans Saharan trade. Reason being that on the other side of the Atlantic, Christopher Columbus had in 1492 set foot on the new world. Lands that prove very suitable for sugar, cotton, tobacco, and indigo plantations.
Scientific Study from the year 2011 in the subject African Studies - Culture and Applied Geography, language: English, abstract: Slavery, Colonialism and neo-colonialism have been described as the tripartite crime against Africa. A crime attributable to the Euro-Americans. Two nations laid the foundation of what later became the Trans-Atlantic slave trade. These were Portugal and Spain.The voyage of discovery reached Black Africa in 1445, when Dinis Dias and Lanzarote de Freitas anchored their fleets at the mouth of the Senegal River, and reconnoitered some of the Cape Verde islands. The remaining parts of the Archipelago was discovered jointly by the Venetian Alvise de Cadamosto (1430-1480), Antonio Uso Mare from Genoa. There were no further discoveries until the death of Henry the Navigator in 1460. As at this period the local chiefs were already into the lucrative slave trade. Pedro de Cintas in 1462 discovered the coasts of Guinea, the Bissagos Islands, Sierra Leone and Liberia. Fernando Po and Lopez Gonzalves navigated Fernando Po and Sao Tome Islands. Vasco Da Gama came on stage between 1460-1524, got through Cape Verde and rounded the Cape of Good Hope (20th march 1499). Thus, the routes to the Indies were opened. Diego Dias took another flank, reaching Madagascar (1500), Ascension Island (1501) and Islands of St. Helena (1502). With these breath-taking voyages of discovery it became possible to cross the Atlantic directly without passing through the harsh West African Coast. The Mediterranean had always been the centre of attraction. It united North Africa and Europe. When it fell into the hands of Islam, Europe, particularly Portugal and Spain sought for alternative routes. Islam could not match the Christian nations in the mastery of the sea in quest of economic prosperity. It therefore took the Portuguese nearly 100 years (1415-1498) to reconnoiter the precise circumference of Africa. In this way trans-Atlantic trade replaced Trans Saharan trade. Reason
LONGLISTED FOR THE 2019 NATIONAL BOOK AWARD FINALIST, 2020 PULITZER PRIZE IN HISTORY By the late 1960s and early 1970s, reeling from a wave of urban uprisings, politicians finally worked to end the practice of redlining. Reasoning that the turbulence could be calmed by turning Black city-dwellers into homeowners, they passed the Housing and Urban Development Act of 1968, and set about establishing policies to induce mortgage lenders and the real estate industry to treat Black homebuyers equally. The disaster that ensued revealed that racist exclusion had not been eradicated, but rather transmuted into a new phenomenon of predatory inclusion. Race for Profit uncovers how exploitative real estate practices continued well after housing discrimination was banned. The same racist structures and individuals remained intact after redlining's end, and close relationships between regulators and the industry created incentives to ignore improprieties. Meanwhile, new policies meant to encourage low-income homeownership created new methods to exploit Black homeowners. The federal government guaranteed urban mortgages in an attempt to overcome resistance to lending to Black buyers – as if unprofitability, rather than racism, was the cause of housing segregation. Bankers, investors, and real estate agents took advantage of the perverse incentives, targeting the Black women most likely to fail to keep up their home payments and slip into foreclosure, multiplying their profits. As a result, by the end of the 1970s, the nation's first programs to encourage Black homeownership ended with tens of thousands of foreclosures in Black communities across the country. The push to uplift Black homeownership had descended into a goldmine for realtors and mortgage lenders, and a ready-made cudgel for the champions of deregulation to wield against government intervention of any kind. Narrating the story of a sea-change in housing policy and its dire impact on African Americans, Race for Profit reveals how the urban core was transformed into a new frontier of cynical extraction.
This book investigates the expanding involvement of China in security cooperation in Africa. Drawing on leading and emerging scholars in the field, the volume uses a combination of analytical insights and case studies to unpack the complexity of security challenges confronting China and the continent. It interrogates how security considerations impact upon the growing economic and social links China has developed with African states.
Prize-winning historian Robert Gildea dissects the legacy of empire for the former colonial powers and their subjects.
The classic work of political, economic, and historical analysis, powerfully introduced by Angela Davis In his short life, the Guyanese intellectual Walter Rodney emerged as one of the leading thinkers and activists of the anticolonial revolution, leading movements in North America, South America, the African continent, and the Caribbean. In each locale, Rodney found himself a lightning rod for working class Black Power. His deportation catalyzed 20th century Jamaica's most significant rebellion, the 1968 Rodney riots, and his scholarship trained a generation how to think politics at an international scale. In 1980, shortly after founding of the Working People's Alliance in Guyana, the 38-year-old Rodney would be assassinated. In his magnum opus, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, Rodney incisively argues that grasping "the great divergence" between the west and the rest can only be explained as the exploitation of the latter by the former. This meticulously researched analysis of the abiding repercussions of European colonialism on the continent of Africa has not only informed decades of scholarship and activism, it remains an indispensable study for grasping global inequality today.
This is the book which, when first published in 1965, caused such an uproar in the US State Department that a sharp note of protest was sent to Kwame Nkrumah and the $25million of American "aid" to Ghana was promptly cancelled.