Download Free Cubas Foreign Relations In A Post Soviet World Book in PDF and EPUB Free Download. You can read online Cubas Foreign Relations In A Post Soviet World and write the review.

This volume emphasizes two key aspects of Cuba's foreign relations: the country's adjustment since the disintegration of the Soviet Bloc, and the ongoing confrontation between Cuba and the United States. The author proposes that Cuba has been highly sensitive to independence on an external power.
This book addresses the relationship between the Russian Federation and Cuba from 1992 to the present, the period since the disintegration of the Soviet Union. Mervyn J. Bain analyzes the reasons why the relationship between Havana and Moscow continues tothrive even after the end of the Cold War and the death of international socialism. He argues that there are five main areas to be studied in order to understand why the Russians and Cubans have maintained close cultural and political ties well into thetwenty-first century. Bain first explores the effects the disintegration of the Soviet Union had on the relationship between Moscow and Havana in the years since 1992. He goes on to describe how the two countries have adapted (or failed to adapt) to the New World Order and the ways in which their foreign policy have changed the shape of their dialogue with each other. The third and fourth sections detail both the impact of globalization and the increased cultural, economic, and military exchange between Russians and Cubans. Bain concludes by showing readers the importance of placing the Russian-Cuban relationship in an international context, especially highlighting the influence of the United States over it. This book will be of interest to those interested in post-Soviet Russian foreign policy, Cuban foreign policy, and international relations.
The twentieth-century history of Cuba borders on fantasy. This diminutive country boldly and repeatedly exercises the foreign policy of a major power. Although closely tied to the United States through most of its modern history, Cuba successfully defied the U.S. government after 1959, consolidated its own power, and defeated an invasion of U.S.-backed exiles at the Bay of Pigs in 1961. Fidel Castro then brought the world alarmingly close to nuclear war in 1962. Jorge Domínguez presents a comprehensive survey of Cuban international relations since Castro came to power. Domínguez unravels Cuba's response to the 1962 missile crisis and the U.S.-Soviet understandings that emerged from that. He explores the ties that link Cuba to the U.S.S.R. and other Communist countries; analyzes Cuban support for revolutionary movements throughout the world, especially in Latin America and Africa; and assesses the significance of Cuban political and economic relations with Western Europe, Canada, and Japan. Some have charged that Cuba does not have a foreign policy, that Fidel Castro merely takes orders from his Soviet bosses. Domínguez argues that there is indeed a specifically Cuban foreign policy, poised not only between hegemony and autonomy, between compliance and self-assertion, but also between militancy and pragmatism. He believes that within the context of Soviet hegemony Cuba's foreign policy is very much its own, and he marshals impressive evidence to support this belief. His book is based on extensive documentation from Cuba, the United States, and other countries, as well as from many in-depth interviews carried out during trips to Cuba.
Nearly thirty years have passed since the United States first attempted to overthrow the fledgling Castro government. Despite enormous changes in the hemisphere, significant developments in the nature of Cuba's international relations, and an end to the cold war consensus in the United States that quietly sanctioned interference in and obstruction of Third World politics, U.S. policy toward Cuba has changed very little: It still embodies the failed dream of isolating Cuba and destroying the Cuban revolution. In From Confrontation to Negotiation: U.S. Relations with Cuba, Philip Brenner provides a thoughtful overview of U.S.-Cuban relations since 1898, with an emphasis on the past ten years. Assumptions, goals, and continuities in U.S. policy are highlighted. He then offers a clear picture of the issues that divide the two countries and around which any discussions for a normalization of relations would likely turn. Could discussions occur? Is a call for a less hostile relationship between the United States and Cuba politically feasible? What are the chances that Cuba and the United States can actually work out an accommodation? Dr. Brenner analyzes the domestic political factors in each country that shape policy and that might present possibilities for serious discussion. He then proposes a workable alternative Cuban policy for the United States that takes into account the fundamental concerns of both countries. The policy proposal is related to the framework adopted by Policy Alternatives for the Caribbean and Central America (PACCA).
In spite of the growing academic interest in Cuba's international relations in the revolutionary period. Cuba's policy toward the Middle East has been a neglected field of study. Although the Middle East has not been a high priority item on Fidel Castro's agenda, various factors have combined to propel the regime into taking a more active stance in the region, not least of which is the importance of the Middle East to the Soviet Union. Some of these factors have been ideological, such as the nature of Castroism itself. Other factors have been more pragmatic: the need to increase Cuba's leverage with the Soviet Union; the desire to establish spheres of interest of its own in the Third World; the attempt to use external politics to soothe internal problems and the wish to maximize the prestige of the Cuban revolution, and, by extension, that of its lider maximo. Since 1959, Havana's Middle Eastern policy has experienced four stages: (1) 1959-1973: Autonomous foreign policy, marked by a dual relationship with both Israel and the Arab states. (2) 1973-1977: Accommodation to the Soviet line; anti-Israeli policy combined with an expansion of relations with progressive states, signalled by the establishment of Cuban military missions. (3) 1977-1980: Activist policy in the region, expanded role and development of diplomatic relationships. (4) 1981 to the present (1985): Cautious involvement; restrained activism, emphasizing socio-economic cooperation. Cuba's incursion into the Arab world illuminates how Cuban foreign policy works, especially in relation to autonomy, convergence, and subordination; dependence, pragmatism, and ideology. The island's entrance into Middle East politics has introduced new risks into the island's foreign policy in return for the benefits which have been derived. A theory to explain Cuba's foreign policy in its interaction with the Soviet Union in the Third World must include heretofore neglected variables: time; regime type; and factionalism (bureaucratic politics), in addition to external events. The study of Cuba's initiatives in the Middle East will serve to test this theory.
From its inception, Fidel Castro's revolution has exerted an impact on the international scene far out of proportion to Cuba's modest size and limited resources. This phenomenon became more pronounced in the mid-1970s as Havana's foreign policies took on truly global parameters that involved the dispatch of large combat forces to Angola and Ethiopia, the initiation of ambitious military and developmental aid programs for Third World nations, and the assumption of leadership of the Nonaligned Movement. Today Cuba remains a significant actor on the world scene, giving top priority to Caribbean and Central American affairs. Critics, especially in the United States, have insisted that Cuban globalism is not a nationalist expression, that Cuba is but a surrogate for the Soviet Union. Such charges, however, ignore or seriously underestimate the role that nationalism has always played in the Cuban Revolution. This book explores the nature and development of Castro's foreign relations in general and Cuban globalism in particular, with primary attention devoted to nationalism's influence on Havana's policies toward the United States, the Soviet Union, and especially the developing (mostly nonaligned) African, Asian, and Latin countries of the Third World. To give the reader an in-depth Cuban perspective on crucial international issues, excerpts from Castro's major speeches and press interviews are included. Erisman concludes that the nationalistic dimension of Havana's foreign policies has definitely not been fully appreciated, and this omission obscures the complexity and true essence of Cuban globalism.
The Soviet Union and Cuba (1987) examines the thesis that Cuba acted as an extension of Soviet foreign policy or surrogate of the USSR in the Third World. The Soviet-Cuban link is assessed in four conflicts: Angola, Ethiopia, Grenada and Nicaragua. It is shown that Cuba is largely an autonomous actor in international relations, and that bilateral influence flows in both directions. Thus Western reaction to Cuban and Soviet activity in the Third World is often based on misperceptions.
This book addresses the relationship between Moscow and Havana in the period between the Russian and Cuban Revolutions, i.e. from November 1917 to January 1959. It analyzes the reasons why in this era before the Cuban Revolution, which is traditionally thought to have ignited Moscow’s interest in the Caribbean island, a relationship existed between the two countries at a variety of different levels. In order to do this, both the attention that the Third International, or Comintern, gave to Cuba, as well as Moscow’s formal state-to-state relations with Havana, are examined. In addition, United States policy towards both socialism and the Soviet Union are analyzed, due to the role that Washington played in Cuba prior to the Cuban Revolution. Following this, an examination of the events, process and dynamics that characterized the nature of the relationship between Moscow and Havana from 1917 to 1959 will be conducted. A number of conclusions will be given, but the primary one is that prior to January 1959, the Kremlin took considerable interest in Cuba and did not suffer from “geographical fatalism,” as has traditionally been thought. This is significant in itself, but also in light of the relationship that rapidly developed between Moscow and Havana in the aftermath of the Cuban Revolution, as a number of factors that were important in the pre-1959 relationship would also be significant after 1959. Furthermore, this analysis is also important for the contemporary bilateral relationship between Russia and Cuba, as both governments have made increasing reference to the multifaceted relationship that existed prior to 1959.
The extraordinary account of the Cuban people’s struggle for survival in a post-Soviet world In the aftermath of the fall of the Soviet Union, Cuba faced the start of a crisis that decimated its economy. Helen Yaffe examines the astonishing developments that took place during and beyond this period. Drawing on archival research and interviews with Cuban leaders, thinkers, and activists, this book tells for the first time the remarkable story of how Cuba survived while the rest of the Soviet bloc crumbled. Yaffe shows how Cuba has been gradually introducing select market reforms. While the government claims that these are necessary to sustain its socialist system, many others believe they herald a return to capitalism. Examining key domestic initiatives including the creation of one of the world’s leading biotechnological industries, its energy revolution, and medical internationalism alongside recent economic reforms, Yaffe shows why the revolution will continue post-Castro. This is a fresh, compelling account of Cuba’s socialist revolution and the challenges it faces today.
Acting as a comprehensive resource for the study of Soviet foreign policy, this book analyzes the dynamic relationship between the Soviet Union and Cuba during the Gorbachev era.