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This paper provides a perspective on the political economy of crony capitalism and corruption in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, Syria, and Yemen, severely affected by the Arap Spring, to propose that they triggered the uprisings. The crony capitalism in Egypt shows military dominance and its conglomerates in various sectors. Tunisian capitalism was around President Ben Ali and his wife Travels, who controlled about 30-40% of the economy. In Syria, President Assad and his cousin Makhloufi's families controlled 60% of the country's GDP, whereas the Qaddafi family controlled the economic paradigm in Libya. Lastly, in Yemen, certain tribes, families, and acquittances of Saleh dominated the Yemeni economy. After the Arab protests, these countries changed their regimes except Syria, where the demonstrations ignited a civil war. However, the pre-existing powers continued their dominance heavily in Egypt and partially in Libya and Yemen. The so-called successful example is Tunisia which struggled with the democratic transition that hindered its systematic economic development. The analysis elucidates dominant state-class relations pre- and post-Arab Spring and stipulates the channels through which crony capitalism and corruption may be eliminated.
This volume provides new perspectives on crony capitalism in the Middle East. It draws on rich empirical information on the activities of political connected firms in the economy and their impact on private sector development in the region.
Providing context -- Reconceptualizing "business" and "state" in business-state relations -- Developing Egypt's "SMEs:" the social fund for development -- USAID's "private sector" projects : planting the seeds of exclusion -- The businessmen cabinet's "public private partnerships" for exclusive development -- Reform losers : the cosmopolitan capital deficient -- Public resources, private equity : reaping the fruits of financial liberalization -- The QIZ agreement : negotiating networks of privilege -- Expanding privilege? : International actors complicating domestic agendas -- Reorganizing networks of privilege : disruption, reconfiguration and persistence in the face of regime change, 2011-2020.
Survey of economic outcomes - Role of oligarchies and the state -- Islamic versus Jewish economics -- Investment in human capital -- Labor markets in MENA -- The authoritarian bargain -- Oil money and the 'Dutch disease' in MENA -- Science, technology and innovation in MENA -- International trade in MENA -- Crony capitalism, inequality and poverty in MENA -- The monetary and fiscal economic policies and the "Arab Spring"; -- The economics of corruption and the "Arab Spring" -- Prospects for MENA - muddling or progressing?
This book investigates the performance of the economies of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), focusing in particular on the role of corruption and the underlying institutional structure in determining economic growth and the prospects for development.
This book explores the causes of corruption in the Middle East and North Africa through a systematic cross-national comparative analysis of fifteen countries in the region. It aims to explain causal relationships between corruption and differences in political and socio-economic dimensions within these different countries over the period 1999-2010. The countries are grouped together into three sub-regions (the Gulf region, North Africa, and Mashreq plus Yemen). The author finds that the main variables that showed robustness in impacting the intensity of corruption are the rule of law, quality of regulations, and trade openness. Poverty rates and income inequality have been clear triggers for petty corruption. Meanwhile, natural resources endowments have shown less of an impact on the levels of corruption, and similarly women's empowerment has not been found to be a strong indicator. Dina Elsayed is Assistant Professor of Political Science, Egypt. She obtained her doctorate degree from the University of Duisburg-Essen, Germany. Her research focuses on comparative politics, corruption and governance in the MENA region.
For decades, US foreign policy in the Middle East has been on autopilot: Seek Arab-Israeli peace, fight terrorism, and urge regimes to respect human rights. Every US administration puts its own spin on these initiatives, but none has successfully resolved the region’s fundamental problems. In Seven Pillars: What Really Causes Instability in the Middle East? a bipartisan group of leading experts representing several academic and policy disciplines unravel the core causes of instability in the Middle East and North Africa. Why have some countries been immune to the Arab Spring? Which governments enjoy the most legitimacy and why? With more than half the region under 30 years of age, why does education and innovation lag? How do resource economies, crony capitalism, and inequality drive conflict? Are ethnic and sectarian fault lines the key factor, or are these more products of political and economic instability? And what are the wellsprings of extremism that threaten not only the United States but, more profoundly, the people of the region? The answers to these questions should help policymakers and students of the region understand the Middle East on its own terms, rather than just through a partisan or diplomatic lens. Understanding the pillars of instability in the region can allow the United States and its allies to rethink their own priorities, adjust policy, recalibrate their programs, and finally begin to chip away at core challenges facing the Middle East. Contributors: Thanassis Cambanis Michael A. Fahy Florence Gaub Danielle Pletka Bilal Wahab A. Kadir Yildirim
Businesses in the Middle East and North Africa have failed to bring sustainable development despite decades of investment from the private and public sectors. Yet we still know little about why the Arab Uprisings failed to usher in more transparent government that could break this enduring cycle of corruption and mismanagement. Examining posttransition politics in Egypt and Tunisia, Kubinec employs interviews and quantitative surveys to map out the corrupting influence of businesses on politics. He argues that businesses must respond to changes in how perks and privileges are distributed after political transitions, either by forming political coalitions or creating new informal connections to emerging politicians. Employing detailed case studies and original experiments, Making Democracy Safe for Business advances our empirical understanding of the study of the durability of corruption in general and the dismal results of the Arab Uprisings in particular.
Analysing developments in the Middle East, this book concludes that economic liberalization has failed to entail the continuous growth and widespread welfare gains expected by its proponents. Privatization and crony capitalism do not allow individuals to participate in the formation of decent social norms.
Egypt has undergone significant economic liberalization under the auspices of the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, USAID, and the European Commission. Yet after more than four decades of economic reform, the Egyptian economy still fails to meet popular expectations for inclusive growth, better standards of living, and high-quality employment. While many analysts point to cronyism and corruption, Amr Adly finds the root causes of this stagnation in the underlying social and political conditions of economic development. Cleft Capitalism offers a new explanation for why market-based development can fail to meet expectations: small businesses in Egypt are not growing into medium and larger businesses. The practical outcome of this missing middle syndrome is the continuous erosion of the economic and social privileges once enjoyed by the middle classes and unionized labor, without creating enough winners from market making. This in turn set the stage for alienation, discontent, and, finally, revolt. With this book, Adly uncovers both an institutional explanation for Egypt's failed market making, and sheds light on the key factors of arrested economic development across the Global South.