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The 19th-century German thinker G.W.F. Hegel is a towering figure in the canon of European philosophy. Indeed, most of the significant figures of European Philosophy after Hegel explicitly address his thought in their own work. Outside of the familiar territory of the Western canon, however, Hegel has also loomed large, most often as a villain, but sometimes also as a resource in struggles for liberation from colonialism, sexism and racism. Hegel understood his own work as aiming above freedom, yet ironically wrote texts that are not only explicitly Eurocentric and even racist. Should we, and is it even possible, to bring Hegelian texts and ideas into productive discourse with those he so often himself saw as distinctly Other and even inferior? In response to this question, Creolizing Hegel brings together transdisciplinary scholars presenting various approaches to creolizing the work of Hegel. The essays in this volume take Hegelian texts and themes across borders of method, discipline, and tradition. The task is not simply to compare and contrast Hegel with some 'outsider' figure or tradition, but rather to reconsider and reconfigure our understandings of all of the figures and ideas brought together in these cross-disciplinary essays.
Creolizing Practices of Freedom argues that many of our long-standing debates over the concept of freedom have been bound up in the politics of purity—explicitly or implicitly insisting on clear and distinct boundaries between self and other or between choice and coercion. In this model, freedom becomes a matter of purifying the self at the individual level and the body politic at the larger social level. The appropriate response to this is a creolizing theory of freedom, an approach that sees indeterminacy and ambiguity not as tragic flaws, but as crucial productive elements of the practice of freedom.
Decolonial Pluriversalism offers a unique, powerful, and crucial perspective on decolonial theories, political thoughts, aesthetics, and activisms. In going beyond a postcolonial critique of eurocentrism, it provides some of the most original interventions in the field of decolonial theory. Drawing from the Francophone worlds, Latin American and Caribbean philosophies, it explores concepts of creolization, racialization, Afropean aesthetics, arts and cultural productions, feminisms, fashion, education, and architecture. Contributors: Zahra Ali, Luis Martínez Andrade, Sonia Dayan-Herzbrun, Jane Anna Gordon, Mariem Guellouz, Léopold Lambert, Alanna Lockward, Fátima Hurtado López, Olivier Marboeuf, Donna Edmonds Mitchell, Corinna Mullin, Marine Bachelot Nguyen, Minh-Ha T. Pham, Françoise Vergès, Patrice Yengo
Jean-Paul Sartre’s work has been taken up by writers outside of Europe, particularly in the Global South, who have developed phenomenological and existential analyses of racism, colonialism, and other structures of domination. Sartre’s philosophical concepts are fundamentally open, for instance his notions of humanism, bad-faith, and freedom. As a situational, committed thinker, Sartre worked to illuminate the urgent questions of his time at the concrete and the abstract level. The creolization of Sartrean thinking is consistent with the existential projects of engagement, authenticity, political commitment, and liberation from oppression. This volume asks how his European model of phenomenology was (and can be) transformed when it is taken up by thinkers who have lived experience with colonialism. They book also engages Sartre in his relation to key interlocutors (especially Beauvoir and Fanon) who were influenced by him and who influenced him in turn. The book demonstrates how Sartrean philosophy is productively related to Africana philosophy, Africana phenomenology, and Africana existentialism. This volume treats creolization not as a discrete topic, but as an interdisciplinary, global approach to reading and thinking. Each author’s contribution embodies an aspect of creolizing thinking, understood as the articulation of cultural and conceptual hybridity under conditions of eurocentrism, epistemic colonialism and the legacies of slavery. Creolizing Sartre re-reads Sartrean texts to recast existential themes through the lens of Caribbean philosophies and the broader philosophies of the Global South. Contributors: Lawrence Bamikole, Sybil Newton Cooksey, James Haile III, Paget Henry, T Storm Heter, Thomas Meagher, Michael J. Monahan, Anthony Sean Neal, Nathalie Nya, Kris F. Sealey, Hiroaki Seki, Jonathan Webber.
Creolizing Hannah Arendt is the first book to explore the implications of creolizing Hannah Arendt (1906-75) and thinking for: action, liberation, freedom, power, democracy, identity, racism, prejudice, totalitarianism, immigration, judgment, revolution, decolonial politics, the human, and the modern traditions of Caribbean political thought, Africana philosophy, and existential phenomenology. Contributors include: Cristina Beltrán, Roger Berkowitz, Angélica Maria Bernal, Robert Eaglestone, Stephen Nathan Haymes, Paget Henry, Thomas Meagher, Dana Francisco Miranda, Marilyn Nissim-Sabat, Niklas Plaetzer, Neil Roberts.
Creolizing Critical Theory highlights the Caribbean as a philosophical site from which, for centuries and until today, theorists have articulated pressing critiques of capitalism and colonialism. Some of these critiques, such as those of the Saramaka Maroons, have stressed the value of autonomy. Others, such as those of the West Indies Federation, have emphasized solidarity in the face of European occupation. Critical Theory, as an emancipatory project rooted in the values of autonomy, solidarity, and equality, then, has long been a Caribbean practice. Drawing on a range of voices, Creolizing Critical Theory centers Caribbean critiques with a view toward praxis in the present.
Rosa Luxemburg is unquestionably the most important historical European woman Marxist theorist. Significantly, for the purpose of creolizing the canon, she considered her continent and the globe from an Eastern Europe that was in constant flux and turmoil. From this relatively peripheral location, she was far less parochial than many of her more centrally located interlocutors and peers. Indeed, Luxemburg’s work touched on all the burning issues of her time and ours, from analysis of concrete revolutionary struggles, such as those in Poland and Russia, to showing through her analysis of primitive accumulation that anti-capitalist and anti-colonial struggles had to be intertwined, to considerations of state sovereignty, democracy, feminism, and racism. She thereby offered reflections that can usefully be taken up and reworked by writers facing continuous and new challenges to undo relations of exploitation through radical economic and social transformation Luxemburg touches on all aspects of what constitutes revolution in her work; the authors of this volume show us that, by creolizing Luxemburg, we can open up new paths of understanding the complexities of revolution.
In 1967, C.L.R. James, the much-celebrated Afro-Trinidadian Marxist, stated that he knew of no figure in history who had “such tremendous influence on such widely separated spheres of humanity” within a few years of his death as the eighteenth-century philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau. While this impact was most pronounced in revolutionary politics inspired by political theories that rejected basing political authority in monarchy, aristocracy, and the Church, it extended to European literature, to philosophies of education, and the articulation of the social sciences. But what particularly struck James about Rousseau was the strong resonance of his work in Caribbean thought and politics. This volume illuminates these resonances by advancing a creolizing method of reading Rousseau that couples figures not typically engaged together, to create conversations among people of seemingly divided worlds in fact entangled by colonizing projects and histories. Doing this enables us to grapple with the meaning of creolization and the full range of Rousseau’s legacies not only in contemporary Western Europe and the United States, but in the Francophone colonies, territories, and larger Global South.
Revolutionary theories from Marx onward have often struggled to unite the psychological commitments of individuals— understood as ideological— with the larger ethical or political goals of a social movement. As a psychiatrist, social theorist, and revolutionary, Frantz Fanon attempted to connect the ideological and the political. Fanon’s work gives both a psychological explanation of the origins of ideology and seeks to restore the individual to autonomy and political agency. This book explores the deeper philosophical foundations of Fanon’s project in order to understand the depths of Fanon’s contribution to the theory of the subject and to social theory. It also demonstrates how Fanon’s model makes it possible to understand the political dimensions of Freudian psychoanalysis and the psychological dimensions of Hegel’s social theory. This is the first book to bring these two central dimensions of Fanon’s thought into dialogue. It uses Fanon’s position to provide a deeper interpretation of key texts in Freud and Hegel and by uniting these three thinkers contributes to the creolization of all three thinkers.
A ground-breaking work in Africana political thought that links the plight of progressive political endeavors in Africa with those in the Diaspora and beyond, Democratic Tragedy in the Postcolony engages with two of the defining political sagas of the postcolonial era. The book presents Michael Manley of Jamaica and Nelson Mandela of South Africa as tragic political leaders at the helm of popular democratic projects that run aground in the face of the constraints that a subordinate position in the global economy presents for such endeavors. Jamaica’s experiment with democratic socialism as an alternative path to development at the height of the cold war is considered alongside post-Apartheid South Africa’s search for a development model consistent with the demand for civic empowerment and equitable distribution of social goods in the aftermath of Apartheid. Democratic Political Tragedy in the Postcolony theorizes the defining tragic impasse and the telling vacillations by which the postcolonies in question are brought to the neoliberal catastrophes that currently prevail.