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The committee supports the principle of devolving to the Northern Ireland Executive the decision over whether or not to amend the rate of corporation tax, and believes this would assist the indigenous private sector to expand, innovate and employ more staff. The report uses 12.5% as a benchmark for the lower rate of corporation tax, but suggests that on the basis that the decision is devolved to the Northern Ireland executive it may, in due course, choose a lower rate. To maximise the benefits of a lower rate, though, continued progress needs to be made on other economic development policy mechanisms, including planning, education, and incentives for research and development and exporting. Low corporation tax is not a panacea for all Northern Ireland's economic ills, warns the committee, and there are considerable implementation issues: direct comparisons with the Republic of Ireland and its experience with 12.5% are difficult because the UK and Irish tax systems are different; and the UK Government would have to satisfy the criteria laid down in the Azores judgment for the tax reduction to satisfy EU rules on state aids. The committee was surprised to discover HM Treasury do not know how much corporation tax is raised in Northern Ireland. It is important that the Northern Ireland Executive has as much information as possible before deciding if, and how, it wishes to lower the rate, and at least a better idea of the amount of financial risk they are taking on. Furthermore, the benefits of lowering corporation tax must not be outweighed by the costs to businesses and HMRC.
In this report the Committee considers both the Corporation Tax Bill and the Taxation (International and Other Provisions) Bill. They paid particular attention to: the changes proposed by the Corporation Tax Bill expected to increase or reduce the amount of corporation tax payable; and the powers in the Corporation Tax Bill to amend legislation and the assurance given by the Minister that the projects' Consultative and Steering Committees would have to consent to any such changes. The Committee accepts the proposed amendments to both Bills, which are of a minor, technical nature
This monograph looks at how tax is intertwined with constitutional law and the state in the UK. It looks at a variety of topics including tax devolution, scrutiny and reform of tax legislation, the protection of taxpayers and the domestic legal processing of international rules and problems. Tax Law, State-Building and the Constitution presents and interrogates five key claims. First, there is a clear overlap between the concerns of tax and constitutional lawyers. Secondly, the tax system is being deeply affected by the fast pace of constitutional change. Thirdly, decisions taken in the tax field are likely to have a reverse influence on the evolution of the constitution. Fourthly, these relationships are heavily context-dependent, with tax making all the difference to some ongoing constitutional controversies whilst having very little to do with others. Fifthly, by acknowledging tax as an important moving part within the contemporary constitution we might understand both tax and constitutional law a little better. The book therefore contributes to deeper theoretical debates on the identity of tax law as a discipline, the relevance of tax to public lawyers, the meaning of state-building in the recent history of a developed country and the importance of public finances to a wider sense of 'what is going on'. These are questions that ought to command the attention of tax and constitutional law academics as well as policy makers and reformers. Runner-up of the 2022 SLS Peter Birks Prize for Outstanding Legal Scholarship.
Covering the impact of austerity, Brexit, the Scottish Independence Referendum and the collapse of the Northern Ireland Executive, this book discusses how wider national developments shape and are shaped by the process of devolution in Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland and England, assessing its impact on politics, policy and public administration. Drawing together extensive scholarship on devolution, Devolution in the UK compares the similarities and differences between the different devolved nations, and tackles key questions: - Where did devolution come from, and what does its future look like? - What are the most effective devolution systems, and what are their benefits? - Why does Wales have fewer devolved powers than Scotland and Northern Ireland? - What impact will Brexit have? - Why are national identities, symbols, languages, flags and culture so important? Spanning the introduction of devolution in 1988 to the present, this is essential reading if you are studying devolution, one of the country-specific political systems, or interested in UK politics as a whole.
The Scottish Referendum in September 2014 had significant and far-reaching consequences for the political settlement of the United Kingdom. The pressure for more fiscal devolution and other economic powers in the devolved nations has increased demands for greater economic decentralisation in the regions and sub-regions of England. This edited collection constructs an analytical narrative that draws on the evidence of the Scottish experience and expert testimony from the Smith Commission and other policy advisors. Drawing on ideas from fiscal federalism and agglomeration economics, the contributors examine the reorganisation and restructuring of economic territories within the UK. What is apparent in the UK experience of asymmetrical devolution is that many of the complex issues surrounding decentralised economic governance are not going to be addressed through simple expedients. The pertinent question is what should be the appropriate institutional logics and formal policy bailiwicks underpinning a new constitutional settlement? In other words, what new governmental powers and accompanying forms of governance are needed to achieve a more economically and spatially balanced economy?
The UK’s departure from the EU has profoundly affected the politics and economics of Northern Ireland. Brexit has shattered a political accommodation that was taking shape in the region that involved nationalism and unionism refraining from aggressively pursuing their own objectives or making excessive demands on each other. Economically, it has made the task of building an innovative economy in the region immeasurably more difficult. Without radical change, Northern Ireland is destined to be an economic outhouse of an under-performing UK economy. This book represents the first systematic study of the impact of Brexit on the political and economic future of Northern Ireland and Ireland. It provides a detailed assessment of the consequences of the Belfast Agreement and highlights how Brexit imperils the advances that have been made since its signing in 1998. It makes a dispassionate assessment of the changes that may be necessary to create a stronger Northern Ireland economy. On the one hand, demands for the immediate unification of Ireland that are now being made loudly and persistently by nationalists and republicans are considered too precipitous. The two economies on the island are not yet ready for Irish unity. On the other hand, the book argues the case for a radical reorientation of the Northern Ireland economy through the incremental creation of an all-Ireland economy. The book cuts through the rhetoric that characterizes so much discussion about the Northern Ireland economy and provides a hard-headed appraisal of not only its structure and performance, but also the economic feasibility of Irish unity.
Excellent technical writing on corporation tax abounds, but it tends to be inaccessible to public lawyers, political theorists and political economists. Although recent years have seen not only an explosion in public law scholarship but also a reawakening of interest in interpretative political theory and political economy, the potential of these perspectives to illuminate the corporation tax debate has remained unexplored. In this important work, John Snape seeks to reconcile these disparate strands of scholarship and to contribute to a new way of understanding and conceptualising the reform of the law relating to corporate taxation. Drawing on important developments in public law scholarship, the study combines elements of political theory and political economy. It advances a new interpretation of corporation tax law as an instrument of rule, through the maximisation of a nation's economic potential. Snape shows how corporate taxation belongs at the centre of any discussion of economic globalisation, not only because of the potential of national tax systems to influence inward investment decisions but also because of the potential of those decisions to shape the public interest that those tax systems might embody. Following public law and politics models, the book looks afresh at the impact of Britain's political institutions, of the processes of its representative government and of the theory that moulds and orders the values that the corporation tax code contains. This is a timely exploration of cutting-edge issues of public policy.
In the last generation, Northern Ireland has undergone a tortuous yet remarkable process of social and political change. This collection of essays aims to capture the complex and shifting realities of a society in the process of transition from war to peace. The book brings together commentators from a range of academic backgrounds and political perspectives. As well as focusing upon those political divisions and disputes that are most readily associated with Northern Ireland, it provides a rather broader focus than is conventionally found in books on the region. It examines the cultural identities and cultural practices that are essential to the formation and understanding of Northern Irish society but are neglected in academic analyses of the six counties. While the contributors often approach issues from rather different angles, they share a common conviction of the need to challenge the self-serving simplifications and choreographed optimism that frequently define both official discourse and media commentary on Northern Ireland. Taken together, the essays offer a comprehensive and critical account of a troubled society in the throes of change.
2018 marks the 20th anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement. When it was signed few would have imagined Brexit. This book examines the impact of the Good Friday Agreement on internal and cross-border political and economic cooperation between Northern Ireland, Ireland and Britain, in the context of Brexit. It also examines the impact of Brexit to date and concludes with some scenarios about the longer-term impact of Brexit on the Good Friday Agreement itself and on Northern Ireland’s constitutional status. The volume comprises chapters from leading academics in the fields of Northern Irish and comparative politics who deal with economic and political aspects of the Good Friday Agreement, making an original contribution to the current debates on conflict resolution. It provides a theoretical framework by renowned expert on consociationalism, Brendan O’Leary, as well as a chapter on the British-Irish Relationship in the 21st Century by renowned Northern Ireland specialist John Coakley. This book was originally published as a special issue of Ethnopolitics.