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Examination of major changes in political behaviour in 19c Cornwall, withwider implications for the country as a whole. This detailed case-study offers a penetrating analysis of the changing political culture in Cornwall up to and after the introduction of the 1832 electoral system. It spans a century in which the county's parliamentary over-representation and notorious political corruption was replaced by a politicised electorate for whom issues and principles were usually paramount. Several models of electoral behaviour are tested; in particular, the continuous politicalactivism of Cornwall's farmers stands out. Despite remnants of the unreformed electoral system lingering into the mid-Victorian era, Cornwall developed a powerful Liberal tradition, built upon distinctive patterns of non-conformity; the Conservatives, split by dissension, saw their pre-reform ascendancy disappear. Professor EDWIN JAGGARD lectures in history at Edith Cowan University, Perth, Western Australia.
This book charts the political transformation of Britain that resulted from the "Great" Reform Act of 1832. It argues that this extensively debated parliamentary reform, aided by the workings of the New Poor Law (1834) and Municipal Corporations Act (1835), moved the nation far closer to a "modern" type of representative system than has previously been supposed. Drawing on hitherto neglected local archives and the records of election solicitors, Dr Salmon demonstrates how the Reform Act's practical details, far from being mere "small print", had a profound impact on borough and county politics. Combining computer-assisted electoral analysis with traditional methods, he traces the emergence of new types of voter partisanship and party organisation after 1832, and exposes key differences between the parties which resulted in a remarkable national recovery by the Conservative party. In passing he provides important new perspectives on issues such as MPs' relations with their constituents, the expense and culture of popular politics after 1832, the electoral impact of railway development, and the role of 'deference voting' in the counties. Dr PHILIP SALMON is Editor of the 1832-1945 House of Commons project at the History of Parliament.
Through close examination of dozens of electoral contests in carefully chosen constituencies, the author demonstrates that the fundamental division separating the burgeoning liberal and conservative parties in England in the 1830s and 1840s was religion, and that this controversy was what created a perceptible two-party system in British politics.
Discusses the complex laws and practices relating to wreck law, that is the right to salvage goods washed up on the shore, examines how Cornish people made use of this "harvest of the sea" and explores how myths about Cornish wrecking have developed.
This was a transformative period in English history. In 1783 the country was at one of the lowest points in its fortunes, having just lost its American colonies in warfare. By 1846 it was once more a great imperial nation, as well as the world's strongest power and dominant economy, having benefited from what has sometimes (if misleadingly) been called the 'first industrial revolution'. In the meantime it survived a decade of invasion fears, and emerged victorious from more than twenty years of 'war to the death' against Napoleonic France. But if Britain's external fortunes were in the ascendant, the situation at home remained fraught with peril. The country's population was growing at a rate not experienced by any comparable former society, and its manufacturing towns especially were mushrooming into filthy, disease-ridden, gin-sodden hell-holes, in turn provoking the phantasmagoria of a mad, bad, and dangerous people. It is no wonder that these years should have experienced the most prolonged period of social unrest since the seventeenth century, or that the elite should have been in constant fear of a French-style revolution in England. The governing classes responded to these new challenges and by the mid-nineteenth century the seeds of a settled two-party system and of a more socially interventionist state were both in evidence, though it would have been far too soon to say at that stage whether those seeds would take permanent root. Another consequence of these tensions was the intellectual engagement with society, as for example in the Romantic Movement, a literary phenomenon that brought English culture to the forefront of European attention for the first time. At the same time the country experienced the great religious revival, loosely described under the heading 'evangelicalism'. Slowly but surely, the raffish and rakish style of eighteenth-century society, having reached a peak in the Regency, then succumbed to the new norms of respectability popularly known as 'Victorianism'.
A critical introduction to the mass political movements that came of age in urban England between the Great Reform Act of 1832 and the start of World War One. Roberts provides a guide to the new approaches to topics such as Chartism, parliamentary reform, Gladstonian Liberalism, popular Conservatism and the independent Labour movement.
Culture, Politics and National Identity in Wales 1832-86 offers the first comprehensive account of politics in the principality between the first and third reform acts. Based on a wealth of previously unused sources in both English and Welsh, and grounded firmly in recent scholarship on electioneering elsewhere in Britain, Cragoe challenges the existing narrative of political history in the principality. There was more to politics in Victorian Wales, he suggests, than the current focus on nonconformity and radical liberalism after 1860 allows. The book's focus on elections and election culture creates a natural context within which a wider spectrum of political opinion can be sampled. Cragoe examines the differing ideologies of the major political parties - Tory, Liberal and Radical - and then explores how these ideas were carried into the electoral arena through party organisation, campaigning, and propaganda. Later chapters examine some of the ways in which individuals were prevented from recording their true political opinions and the relationship between the unenfranchised and the political process. Throughout, politics is presented as a highly participatory process, one in which ideals and principles played a key role for both candidates and voters alike. It was into this world that the typically 'Welsh' style of radical politics, imbued with the values of militant dissent and armed with new conception of national identity, was born in the 1860s. Weaving that singular political phenomenon back into its contemporary setting and recognising the extent to which its ideas have monopolised modern accounts of Welsh political history, is the purpose of this stimulating and, at times, controversial book.
The book phenomenon of `Club Government' in the mid-nineteenth century, when many of the functions of government were alleged to have taken place behind closed doors, in the secretive clubs of London's St. James's district, has not been adequately historicized. Despite `Club Government' being referenced in most major political histories of the period, it is a topic which has never before enjoyed a full-length study. Making use of previously-sealed club archives, and adopting a broad range of analytical techniques, this work of political history, social history, sociology and quantitative approaches to history seeks to deepen our understanding of the distinctive and novel ways in which British political culture evolved in this period. The book concludes that historians have hugely underestimated the extent of club influence on `high politics' in Westminster, and though the reputation of clubs for intervening in elections was exaggerated, the culture and secrecy involved in gentleman's clubs had a huge impact on Britain and the British Empire.
Explores the central role of petitions in reshaping the political culture of the United Kingdom in their nineteenth-century heyday.
Transatlantic slavery, just like the abolition movements, affected every space and community in Britain, from Cornwall to the Clyde, from dockyard alehouses to country estates. Today, its financial, architectural and societal legacies remain, scattered across the country in museums and memorials, philanthropic institutions and civic buildings, empty spaces and unmarked graves. Just as they did in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, British people continue to make sense of this 'national sin' by looking close to home, drawing on local histories and myths to negotiate their relationship to the distant horrors of the 'Middle Passage', and the Caribbean plantation. For the first time, this collection brings together localised case studies of Britain's history and memory of its involvement in the transatlantic slave trade, and slavery. These essays, ranging in focus from eighteenth-century Liverpool to twenty-first-century rural Cambridgeshire, from racist ideologues to Methodist preachers, examine how transatlantic slavery impacted on, and continues to impact, people and places across Britain.