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Contesting Indonesia explains Islamist, separatist and communal violence across Indonesian history since 1945. In a sweeping argument that connects endemic violence to a national narrative, Kirsten E. Schulze finds that the outbreak of violence is related to competing local notions of the national imaginary as well as contentious belonging. Through detailed examination of six case studies: the Darul Islam rebellions, Jemaah Islamiyah's jihad, and the conflicts in East Timor, Aceh, Poso, and Ambon, Schulze argues that violence was more likely to occur in places that are on the geographic, ideological, ethnic, and religious periphery of the Indonesian state; that violence by non-state actors was most protracted in locations where there was a well-established alternative national imaginary supported by an alternative historical narrative; and that violence by the state was most likely in places where the state had a significant territorial interest. Drawing on a vast collection of interviews and archival and published sources, Contesting Indonesia provides a new understanding of the history of violence across the Indonesian archipelago.
This pathbreaking book grapples with an established reality: well-intentioned international development programs often generate local conflict, some of which escalates to violence. To understand how such conflicts can be managed peacefully, the authors have undertaken a comprehensive mixed-methods analysis of one of the world's largest participatory development projects, the highly successful Kecamatan Development Program (KDP), which was launched by the World Bank and the Indonesian government in the late 1990s and now operates in every district across Indonesia. --
(Un) Civil Society and Political Change in Indonesia provides critical analysis of Indonesia’s civil society and its impact on the country’s democratization efforts that does not only take the classical, pro-democratic actors of civil society into account but also portrays uncivil groups and their growing influence on political processes. Beittinger-Lee offers a revised categorization of civil society, including a model to define the sphere of ‘uncivil society’ more closely and to identify several subcategories of uncivil society. This is the first book to portrays various uncivil groups in Indonesia, ranging from vigilantes, militias, paramilitaries, youth groups, civil security task forces and militant Islamic (and other religious) groups, ethnonationalist groups to terrorist organizations and groups belonging to organized crime. Moreover, it provides the reader with an overview of Indonesia’s history, its political developments after the democratic opening, main improvements under the various presidents since Suharto’s fall, constitutional amendments and key reforms in human rights legislation. This book will be of interest to upper level undergraduates, postgraduates and academics in political science and Southeast Asian studies.
This paper examines the Indonesian political parties, and the problems and prospects with reference to the 1982 general election.
This volume addresses the need for an international perspective on global education, and provides alternate voices to the theme of global education. The editors asked international educators in different contexts to indicate how their own experience of global education addresses the broad and contested concepts associated with this notion. Following the lead of the internationally acknowledged authors from North America, Europe, Africa, Australia, and Asia, perspectives were provided on a wide variety of contexts including tertiary education, and teacher education; various pedagogies for global education, including digital pedagogies; and curriculum development at school, tertiary and community levels. Contesting and Constructing International Perspectives in Global Education explores the tensions inherent in discussions of global education from a number of facets including spatial, pedagogical, temporal, social and cultural; and provides critical, descriptive and values-laden interpretations. The book is divided into five sections, “Temporal and Spatial Views of Global Education”; “Telling National Stories of Global Education”; “Empowering Citizens for Global Education”; “Deconstructing Global Education”; and “Transforming Curricula for Global Education”. It is envisaged as a starting point for a stronger international conception of global education and a way to build a conversation for the future of global education in a neo-liberal and less internationally confident time.
Introduces an interpretation-contestation framework for comprehending the emergence, transformation, and legitimacy of international norms.
The political downfall of the Suharto administration in 1998 marked the end of the "New Order" in Indonesia, a period characterized by 32 years of authoritarian rule. It opened the way for democracy, but also for the proliferation of political Islam, which the New Order had discouraged or banned. Many of the issues raised by Muslim groups concerned matters pertaining to gender and the body. They triggered heated debates about women’s rights, female political participation, sexuality, pornography, veiling, and polygamy. The author argues that public debates on Islam and Gender in contemporary Indonesia only partially concern religion, and more often refer to shifting moral conceptions of the masculine and feminine body in its intersection with new class dynamics, national identity, and global consumerism. By approaching the contentious debates from a cultural sociological perspective, the book links the theoretical domains of body politics, the mediated public sphere, and citizenship. Placing the issue of gender and Islam in the context of Indonesia, the biggest Muslim-majority country in the world, this book is an important contribution to the existing literature on the topic. As such, it will be of great interest to scholars of anthropology, sociology, and gender studies.
This volume provides a lively review of recent economic and political developments in Indonesia and addresses the issue of the country's "Technological Challenge" from a variety of perspectives. These include the policy foundations, the analytical issues, case studies, international co-operation and transfers, as well as particular challenges at the sectoral level and among both large and small enterprises. This is the first volume in English to examine these important questions facing the world's fourth largest country.
On November 18, 1992, a delegation representing Badan Perlindungan Hak-Hak Politik Rakyat dalam Menghadapi Pemilihan Umum 1992 (BPHPR) [Body for the Protection of the People's Political Rights Facing the 1992 General Election], presented a "White Book" on the election to the People's Representative Assembly (MPR). The delegation members were received by Prof. Dr. Achmad Amiruddin, the Deputy Chairman of the MPR, who was quoted as "valuing their opinion," but who refused to be engaged in dialogue on the issues raised in the White Book. As far as is known, nothing more became of that document until now. Most of it is presented here in translation. The White Book contains not only a detailed accounting of infractions and fraud that occurred during the campaign and election process, but also a fundamental critique of the system of popular representation under the New Order, of which general elections are only a part. This critique arises, in the first instance, from the discrepancy between New Order laws, regulations, and rhetoric on the one hand, and actual practices on the other. But it also arises from a deeper -- some would say idealistic -- vision of popular democracy in Indonesia, including the role of political parties, elections, and the rule of law. In this vision, some basic human rights, including the political right to abstain in elections, are inviolate. The White Book, while presenting a fundamental critique of general elections in the New Order political system, also documents numerous infractions that occurred in the conduct or actual practice of the 1992 election. This in itself must have been a difficult task. Still remaining is a comparison of 1992 against the conduct of previous elections. The question intrigues serious students of Indonesian politics: overall, how did the conduct of the 1992 election measure up against previous New Order elections? It seems fair to conclude that in 1992 there was less overt intervention by the Armed Forces in favor of Golkar than in previous elections, and that the 1992 election was implemented in a more neutral fashion at both the upper or central and the provincial levels. But there was little change at the lower levels, where numerous violations and manipulations occurred in such aspects as the distribution of summonses needed to vote, the presence of party witnesses at polling places, attention paid to witnesses' complaints, meaningful participation of party representatives in committees (PPS and KPPS), and the initial compilation of the votes.