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Leading scholars discuss ideology and hotly contested post-structuralist theory.
Explores the many facets of Arab political thought from the nineteenth century to the present day.
During the second half of the twentieth century, the Arab intellectual and political scene polarized between a search for totalizing doctrines--nationalist, Marxist, and religious--and radical critique. Arab thinkers were reacting to the disenchanting experience of postindependence Arab states, as well as to authoritarianism, intolerance, and failed development. They were also responding to successive defeats by Israel, humiliation, and injustice. The first book to take stock of these critical responses, this volume illuminates the relationship between cultural and political critique in the work of major Arab thinkers, and it connects Arab debates on cultural malaise, identity, and authenticity to the postcolonial issues of Latin America and Africa, revealing the shared struggles of different regions and various Arab concerns.
Leading scholars discuss ideology and hotly contested post-structuralist theory.
This dissertation is an examination of the work of three twentieth century Arab thinkers and the significance of their thought to questions of political subjectivity and consciousness in political theory. The project analyzes the oeuvres of the Moroccan historian Abdullah Laroui, the Egyptian philosopher Hassan Hanafi, and the Moroccan philosopher Mohamed Abed al-Jabiri for the purpose of understanding how contemporary critiques of Arab-Islamic cultural heritage and ideology constitute a political theoretical tradition aimed at reforming the Arab political subject. Each thinker locates the consciousness of "the Arab self" at the heart of the troubled "Arab condition;" each conceives social and political progress as dependent upon the transformation of that consciousness. Thus, I argue that much of what usually passes as "cultural critique" in contemporary Arab thought should rather be considered as a critical examination of the formation of the Arab self carried out in the registers of cultural history, revisionist theology and ideology critique. By examining three quite different intellectual figures, I am able to show that the trend to identify the Arab self as the locus of Arab political problems, and to critique that self through an examination of the Arab-Islamic cultural tradition, is not limited to any single ideological current, but is practiced across contemporary Arab political thought. What varies among these thinkers is how they diagnose, characterize and attempt to redress this tradition. Whereas Laroui's critique culminates in a call for rupture with the tradition, Hanafi attempts its reconstruction and Jabiri offers a deconstruction aimed at sifting out and making use of its potentially progressive elements. Common to these various mobilizations of historical tradition is a modernist conception of history as necessarily progressive and as driven by a subject capable of shaping the future. Thus I argue that these thinkers and contemporary Arab thought more generally, inhabit an understanding that is counter-colonial but not yet postcolonial, one that is aware of the historicity of the Arab self and the profound influence of colonialism on its formation, yet is absent any critique of universalist and other conceits of Western modernity and democracy.
This book provides a significant and unique contribution to the emerging literature of comparative political thought. Michaelle L. Browers offers compelling evidence, with extensive analysis and references, that a rigorous debate is taking place in Arabic concerning the value of democracy and civil society. Exploring the globalization of ideas of democracy and civil society, Browers addresses the question of what occurs when concepts cross the boundaries of cultures or languages. She analyzes the historical concept of democracy in Arab and Islamic political thought, the transformations that have occurred over the past several decades resulting from Arab forays into an international discussion of civil society and what these transformations tell us about the status of ideological and conceptual debates in the region. The book’s value, however, lies in its main premise: despite the dearth of actual democratic practices in the Arab world, intellectual elites of the region have vigorously debated reform concepts for decades. Browers emphasizes that current conflicts involving the Middle East are less about Islam against the west and its secular allies in the region and more about diverse sectors of Arab society grappling with how to reform overreaching and unjust states. Browers shows that the seeds of democratic reform in the region were well planted prior to the war on Iraq and the Greater Middle East Initiative.
"In 2012, the year 1433 of the Muslim calendar, the Islamic population throughout the world was estimated at approximately a billion and a half, representing about one-fifth of humanity. In geographical terms, Islam occupies the center of the world, stretching like a big belt across the globe from east to west."--P. vii.
How have Arab political ideas and institutions evolved since the 1967 War? How have the Arabs contended with the external influences to which their wealth has exposed them? What are the implications of the rise of Islamic fundamentalism? Fouad Ajami seeks to answer these and related questions in his illuminating study of the constraints and possibilities facing the Arab world. The book documents the political and intellectual response to the defeat of 1967 and surveys the choices facing the Arab world as exemplified by the case of Egypt. It seeks to explain the resurgence of Islamic fundamentalism and locates its roots in the failures of the dominant political order, and the stalemate of secular political ideas. This revised edition, first published in 1992, was updated and renewed the book's status as an indispensable guide to the politics of the Arab world.