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The Constitution of the Republic of Ghana (1992) in particular is a landmark constitution in the sense that it purports to provide for all situations that human experience could call to mind. It also endeavours to provide for possible situations that can be anticipated. This is quite understandable because life in this age is so complex that reliance on only scientific knowledge and method or what can be proved alone is not enough. The late Twentieth century world was overwhelmed with a shocking fact that human beings were detonating themselves in the Middle East in what has come to be commonly known as Suicide Bombing. Nigeria is a federation while Ghana is a unitary republic. Both however derive their common experiences in governance from Britain as well as empirical occurrences. It is in this context that all can view these constitutional provisions as well as their backgrounds. Readers are implored to look at the issues discussed in this work without prejudices. My paramount aim is to set the records straight and not to denigrate; I also aim at creating awareness so that no tyrannical dictator should get an opportunity to rise up again in Ghana any day. It has to be admitted that there is something nasty about the human species: The tendency to be absolutely domineering to the exclusion and the consideration of other people’s views or interests, a situation, which should not be allowed to manifest in persons trusted with top leadership positions in governance. That is what successive constitutional arrangements in Ghana and Nigeria, especially in the former, have sought to achieve.
The Constitution of the Republic of Ghana (1992) in particular is a landmark constitution in the sense that it purports to provide for all situations that human experience could call to mind. It also endeavours to provide for possible situations that can be anticipated. This is quite understandable because life in this age is so complex that reliance on only scientific knowledge and method or what can be proved alone is not enough. The late Twentieth century world was overwhelmed with a shocking fact that human beings were detonating themselves in the Middle East in what has come to be commonly known as Suicide Bombing. Nigeria is a federation while Ghana is a unitary republic. Both however derive their common experiences in governance from Britain as well as empirical occurrences. It is in this context that all can view these constitutional provisions as well as their backgrounds. Readers are implored to look at the issues discussed in this work without prejudices. My paramount aim is to set the records straight and not to denigrate; I also aim at creating awareness so that no tyrannical dictator should get an opportunity to rise up again in Ghana any day. It has to be admitted that there is something nasty about the human species: The tendency to be absolutely domineering to the exclusion and the consideration of other people’s views or interests, a situation, which should not be allowed to manifest in persons trusted with top leadership positions in governance. That is what successive constitutional arrangements in Ghana and Nigeria, especially in the former, have sought to achieve.
The Constitution of the Republic of Ghana (1992) in particular is a landmark constitution in the sense that it purports to provide for all situations that human experience could call to mind. It also endeavours to provide for possible situations that can be anticipated. This is quite understandable because life in this age is so complex that reliance on only scientific knowledge and method or what can be proved alone is not enough. The late Twentieth century world was overwhelmed with a shocking fact that human beings were detonating themselves in the Middle East in what has come to be commonly known as Suicide Bombing. Nigeria is a federation while Ghana is a unitary republic. Both however derive their common experiences in governance from Britain as well as empirical occurrences. It is in this context that all can view these constitutional provisions as well as their backgrounds. Readers are implored to look at the issues discussed in this work without prejudices. My paramount aim is to set the records straight and not to denigrate; I also aim at creating awareness so that no tyrannical dictator should get an opportunity to rise up again in Ghana any day. It has to be admitted that there is something nasty about the human species: The tendency to be absolutely domineering to the exclusion and the consideration of other people’s views or interests, a situation, which should not be allowed to manifest in persons trusted with top leadership positions in governance. That is what successive constitutional arrangements in Ghana and Nigeria, especially in the former, have sought to achieve.
The Constitution of the Republic of Ghana (1992) in particular is a landmark constitution in the sense that it purports to provide for all situations that human experience could call to mind. It also endeavours to provide for possible situations that can be anticipated. This is quite understandable because life in this age is so complex that reliance on only scientific knowledge and method or what can be proved alone is not enough. The late Twentieth century world was overwhelmed with a shocking fact that human beings were detonating themselves in the Middle East in what has come to be commonly known as Suicide Bombing. Nigeria is a federation while Ghana is a unitary republic. Both however derive their common experiences in governance from Britain as well as empirical occurrences. It is in this context that all can view these constitutional provisions as well as their backgrounds. Readers are implored to look at the issues discussed in this work without prejudices. My paramount aim is to set the records straight and not to denigrate; I also aim at creating awareness so that no tyrannical dictator should get an opportunity to rise up again in Ghana any day. It has to be admitted that there is something nasty about the human species: The tendency to be absolutely domineering to the exclusion and the consideration of other people’s views or interests, a situation, which should not be allowed to manifest in persons trusted with top leadership positions in governance. That is what successive constitutional arrangements in Ghana and Nigeria, especially in the former, have sought to achieve.
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