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El curso de Constitución y democracia tiene como propósito la formación de una ciudadanía responsable y crítica, a partir del conocimiento básico del marco constitucional y el sistema de derechos contenido en él. Así, se espera formar un estudiante conocedor y cuestionador del sistema normativo básico que rige a la sociedad en relación con la estructura del Estado, el sistema de derechos y sus mecanismos de protección. Todo lo anterior, con el fin de que esté en capacidad de participar activamente en la sociedad para contribuir de manera ética en la resolución de los problemas que atañen a todos. Se espera entonces que el estudiante: 1. Comprenda y cuestione la estructura del Estado y sus funciones básicas, de manera que pueda establecer la forma en que el Estado protege los derechos constitucionales. En este sentido, se busca que los estudiantes puedan identificar escenarios de tensiones institucionales y relacionarlos con los hechos cotidianos. 2. Aplique los derechos constitucionales, y no solo que los identifique (conocer), sino que los pueda describir, explicar, ejemplificar y distinguir (comprender), al punto de relacionarlos con la vida, usarlos y solucionar problemas sociales. 3. Analice el valor de la democracia como procedimiento de construcción de consensos y medio de protección y goce de los derechos constitucionales y, en relación con ello, comprenda los principios del proceso democrático y el significado de poder participar en los procesos de toma de decisiones.
La 4e de couverture indique : " Según una arraigada tradición, cuanto más se apega un sistema jurídico a la letra de la ley, más se distancia de la realidad social. Robert Post y Reva Siegel se proponen romper con este presupuesto, sosteniendo que los jueces no pueden ser los intérpretes últimos de los mandatos constitucionales, sino que deben además escuchar las voces de la sociedad y de los otros poderes públicos. El constitucionalismo democrático se afirma como una concepción sobre la capacidad que deben tener los tribunales superiores para reflejar e incorporar en sus fallos las perspectivas constitucionales de diversos sectores y organismos democráticos, con el objetivo de configurar de manera conjunta el significado del derecho, a través de un diálogo constructivo. En definitiva, a esta corriente no sólo le interesa cuestionar que los tribunales se hayan atribuido ciertas facultades que originalmente no les fueron conferidas: le interesa también proponer una nueva forma de activismo judicial, que sea sobre todo consciente de que el significado de la constitución se establece a partir de interacciones fluidas y constantes con las otras ramas del poder público, las asociaciones civiles, los partidos políticos, los movimientos sociales, la opinión pública, los centros de investigación y el poder judicial en su conjunto. Según este enfoque, la ley no puede emanar de un intercambio exclusivo entre magistrados. La presente obra recoge por primera vez en castellano textos fundamentales de dos de los principales referentes en el debate constitucional contemporáneo y en el movimiento por un constitucionalismo democrático. Se trata, a la vez, de una propuesta relevante para las deliberaciones del constitucionalismo latinoamericano, atrapadas todavía en disyuntivas maniqueas sobre las tensiones entre constitución y democracia."
This interdisciplinary collection examines the significance of constitutions in setting the terms and conditions upon which market economies operate. With some important exceptions, most notably from the tradition of Latin American constitutionalism, scholarship on constitutional law has paid negligible attention to questions of how constitutions relate to economic phenomena. A considerable body of literature has debated the due limits of the exercise of executive and legislative power, and discussions about legitimacy, democracy, and the adjudication of rights (civil and political, and socioeconomic) abound, yet scant attention has been paid by constitutional lawyers to the ways in which constitutions may protect and empower economic actors, and to how constitutions might influence the regulation and governance of specific markets. The contributors to this collection mobilize insights from other disciplines – including economic theory, history, and sociology – and consider the relationship between constitutional frameworks and bodies of law – including property law, criminal law, tax law, financial regulation, and human rights law – to advance understanding of how constitutions relate to markets and to the political economy. This book’s analysis of the role constitutions play in shaping markets will appeal to scholars and students in law, economics, history, politics, and sociology.
This book discusses to what extent and how constitutional design and practice in Latin America have helped in combatting the subordination of women and LGBTQIA+ people. Covering 11 jurisdictions, the chapters identify the main elements of the constitutional gender order and survey jurisprudential and legislative developments in different areas, incorporating contextual analysis and references to history, political dynamics, social movements, feminist struggles, normative efficacy, and policy. In the context of a constitutionalism that has been celebrated as particularly innovative and socially engaged, the book assesses constitutional performance in the quest to supersede the separate gendered spheres tradition and the subordination of women and sexual minorities to heteronormative hegemony. It fills an important gap in the field of gender and constitutionalism, which has paid very little attention to Latin America compared to the Anglo-American legal world and continental Europe. It identifies regional trends, but also variables which account for the diversity of approaches in various jurisdictions. The book provides much-needed insight into matters that are relevant for legal and socio-legal scholars, an ever-growing number of social actors and movements, and all those interested in comparative constitutionalism and in the intersections between law and gender.
In this groundbreaking book, Arnold August explores Cuba's unique form of democracy, presenting a detailed and balanced analysis of Cuba's electoral process and the state's functioning between elections. By comparing it with practices in the U.S., Venezuela, Bolivia and Ecuador, August shows that people's participation in politics and society is not limited to a singular U.S.-centric understanding of democracy. For example, democracy as practised in the U.S. is largely non-participatory, static and fixed in time. Cuba, by contrast, is a laboratory where the process of democratization is continually in motion, an ongoing experiment to create new ways for people to participate. August argues forcefully for the need to develop mutual understanding of different political systems and, in doing so, to not be satisfied with either blanket condemnation or idealistic illusions, both resulting from a refusal to analyze the actual inner workings of each process. Visit www.democracycuba.com for more details.
Direct democracy, or pure democracy, is a concept spreading throughout the world, now adopted by nearly 30 countries on the national level. While the concept is not new, it is important to investigate the current benefits or hinderances of direct democracy related to local governments so that they may be implemented further. Direct Democracy Practices at the Local Level deepens the knowledge of direct democracy in political science. This book explores how local governments utilize these instruments in international governments and analyzes a series of popular initiatives and local referenda to how successful these initiatives are. Covering topics such as religious rights, street committees, and climate change, this book is essential for political science students and professors, policymakers, faculty, local governments, academicians, and researchers in political science with an interest in direct democracy procedures in representative systems.
This book offers a new ideology critique for political analysis by revisiting Habermas via a Žižekian reading. The book includes an application of the theory to the case of the political consensus reached in Chile's post-Pinochet.