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A radical reading of British Conservatives' fortunes between the wars, exploring how the party adapted to mass democracy after 1918.
This radical new reading of British Conservatives' fortunes between the wars explores how the party adapted to the challenges of mass democracy after 1918. Geraint Thomas offers a fresh perspective on the relationship between local and national Conservatives' political strategies for electoral survival, which ensured that Conservative activists, despite their suspicion of coalitions, emerged as champions of the cross-party National Government from 1931 to 1940. By analysing the role of local campaigning in the age of mass broadcasting, Thomas re-casts inter-war Conservatism. Popular Conservatism thus emerges less as the didactic product of Stanley Baldwin's consensual public image, and more concerned with the everyday material interests of the electorate. Exploring the contributions of key Conservative figures in the National Government, including Neville Chamberlain, Walter Elliot, Oliver Stanley, and Kingsley Wood, this study reveals how their pursuit of the 'politics of recovery' enabled the Conservatives to foster a culture of programmatic, activist government that would become prevalent in Britain after the Second World War.
Polling shows that since the 1950s Americans’ trust in government has fallen dramatically to historically low levels. In At War with Government, the political scientists Amy Fried and Douglas B. Harris reveal that this trend is no accident. Although distrust of authority is deeply rooted in American culture, it is fueled by conservative elites who benefit from it. Since the postwar era conservative leaders have deliberately and strategically undermined faith in the political system for partisan aims. Fried and Harris detail how conservatives have sown distrust to build organizations, win elections, shift power toward institutions that they control, and secure policy victories. They trace this strategy from the Nixon and Reagan years through Gingrich’s Contract with America, the Tea Party, and Donald Trump’s rise and presidency. Conservatives have promoted a political identity opposed to domestic state action, used racial messages to undermine unity, and cultivated cynicism to build and bolster coalitions. Once in power, they have defunded public services unless they help their constituencies and rolled back regulations, perversely proving the failure of government. Fried and Harris draw on archival sources to document how conservative elites have strategized behind the scenes. With a powerful diagnosis of our polarized era, At War with Government also proposes how we might rebuild trust in government by countering the strategies conservatives have used to weaken it.
"Irene Taviss Thomson gives us a nuanced portrait of American social politics that helps explain both why we are drawn to the idea of a 'culture war' and why that misrepresents what is actually going on." ---Rhys H. Williams, Professor and Chair, Department of Sociology, Loyola University Chicago "An important work showing---beneath surface conflict---a deep consensus on a number of ideals by social elites." ---John H. Evans, Department of Sociology, University of California, San Diego The idea of a culture war, or wars, has existed in America since the 1960s---an underlying ideological schism in our country that is responsible for the polarizing debates on everything from the separation of church and state, to abortion, to gay marriage, to affirmative action. Irene Taviss Thomson explores this notion by analyzing hundreds of articles addressing hot-button issues over two decades from four magazines: National Review, Time, The New Republic, and The Nation, as well as a wide array of other writings and statements from a substantial number of public intellectuals. What Thomson finds might surprise you: based on her research, there is no single cultural divide or cultural source that can account for the positions that have been adopted. While issues such as religion, homosexuality, sexual conduct, and abortion have figured prominently in public discussion, in fact there is no single thread that unifies responses to each of these cultural dilemmas for any of the writers. Irene Taviss Thomson is Professor Emeritus of Sociology, having taught in the Department of Social Sciences and History at Fairleigh Dickinson University for more than 30 years. Previously, she taught in the Department of Sociology at Harvard University.
The “unrivaled” history of America’s divided politics, now in a fully updated edition that examines the rise of Trump—and what comes next (New Republic). When it was published in 2015, Andrew Hartman’s history of the culture wars was widely praised for its compelling and even-handed account of how they came to define American politics at the close of the twentieth century. But it also garnered attention for Hartman’s declaration that the culture wars were over—and that the left had won. In the wake of Trump’s rise, driven by an aggressive fanning of those culture war flames, Hartman has brought A War for the Soul of America fully up to date, detailing the ways in which Trump’s success, while undeniable, represents the last gasp of culture war politics—and how the reaction he has elicited can show us early signs of the very different politics to come. “As a guide to the late twentieth-century culture wars, Hartman is unrivalled . . . . Incisive portraits of individual players in the culture wars dramas . . . . Reading Hartman sometimes feels like debriefing with friends after a raucous night out, an experience punctuated by laughter, head-scratching, and moments of regret for the excesses involved.” —New Republic
In the wake of a bitter presidential campaign and in the face of numerous divisive policy questions, many Americans wonder if their country has split in two. Is America divided so clearly? Two of America's leading authorities on political culture lead a provocative and thoughtful investigation of this question and its ramifications.
"What culture war? Abortion, gay marriage, school prayer, gun control. Is the nation really polarized on these hot-button moral, religious, and cultural issues? Should we believe the media pundits and politicians who tell us that Americans are deeply divided? No, says Morris Fiorina. At a time when the rift between the "red" and the "blue" states can seem deeper than ever, Fiorina debunks the assumption that Americans are deeply split over national issues. He presents quite a contrary picture -- that most Americans stand in the middle of the political landscape and are in general agreement even on those issues thought to be most divisive. Poking holes in the concept of a "culture war," Fiorina explains that the majority of Americans are both moderate and tolerant, and that their greatest concerns are leadership and security, not moral values. Fiorina supports this position with newly released data from the 2004 election and a variety of other recent surveys. According to Fiorina, the view of a divided America is simply false. By recognizing our common ground, we have a basis for creating a more unified and moderate approach to government and politics in the near future."--
If the Republican Party is no longer the party of Barry Goldwater, Ronald Reagan, Newt Gingrich, small government, or fiscal restraint, then what is it? And what's a self-respecting, less-government, fiscally conservative voter supposed to do? Has the GOP lost its mind? Yes, says author and rising star New York Post columnist Ryan Sager in the surprising new book, The Elephant in the Room. Outspoken and fed up, Sager, a conservative and a libertarian, foresees major upheaval ahead for the Republican Party. As the long marriage of convenience between the social conservatives (a.k.a., the Religious Right), primarily in the South, and the small-government conservatives (a.k.a., libertarians), primarily in the West, is unraveling and the coalition that has put and kept the Republican Party in power faces disaster, the possibility of a Democratic resurgence is on the horizon. Not only would?infighting cripple the GOP, but the people ready to jump ship control much of the campaign cash (on Wall Street and elsewhere) and crucial swing votes (in "leave?us alone" states such as Arizona, Colorado, Nevada, and Montana). As the nation's population and electoral map shift South and West, the current Republican Party increasingly favors Southern values (religion, morality, tradition) over Western ones (freedom, independence, privacy). The result? The party is in danger of losing its Western base. Provocative, and by turns hilarious and sobering, the book deftly traces the rocky and colorful path the Republican Party has taken to bring it to its present, precarious position. Sager saves his sharpest arrows for the current administration—flag bearers of "big-government conservatism," which Sager interprets to mean that free-spending big government is not so bad, so long as it's Republicans doing the spending and intruding into the lives of Americans, instead of Democrats. In short, Sager says the GOP has adopted the political philosophy that anything goes so long as we stay. All hope is not lost, however, and in The Elephant in the Room Sager offers a way out of the mangled mess. He calls it a renewal of fusionism, a better blend between liberty and tradition, freedom and responsibility; one that emphasizes small government instead of Republican-controlled government, morality instead of moralism, and principles instead of politics.
Culture Wars: Australian and American politics in 21st Century argues that 'culture wars' attitudes and conflicts intrinsic to US politics for many decades are also deeply embedded characteristics of Australian political life in the 21st century. It suggests that during the Howard years (1996-2007) culture war antagonisms were forced to the political surface in Australia, albeit without the volatility and violence that sometimes accompanies disputes over religion, social authority, morality, multiculturalism, race, sexuality, education, immigration, feminism and national identity in the United States. With the demise of the Bush Administration (2000-2008) and the Howard Government some have proclaimed an end to the culture wars. This book suggests otherwise, proposing that the Rudd Government's `me-too' strategy in taking power and the tendency since to remain loyal to the Howard agenda on major areas of public policy is illustrative of its need to retain the support of its socially conservative working class constituency and many of `Howards battlers' returning to the ALP after the Keating years. This, it argues, will create increasing cultural tensions with its more progressivist sectors. The authors maintain that this tension is not necessarily a negative for Australian politics because it will help further ventilate culture war disputes within Australian society and democratise debates which have been largely the province of educated elites. The book seeks to further this democratisation process and engage the culture wars in broader terms than is anywhere else available in the literature. It provides a historical and intellectual framework for understanding the contemporary culture wars, before traversing some of its many battlegrounds, on foreign policy and national identity, 'the struggle for God', 'family values', immigration, the History Wars and the (Australian) 'Bogan' factor among others.