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After the September 11, 2001 attacks the United States went to war. With thousands of Americans killed, billions of dollars in damage, and aggressive military and security measures in response, we are still living with the war a decade later. A change of presidential administration has not dulled controversy over the most fundamental objectives, strategies and tactics of the war, or whether it is even a war. This book clears the air over the meaning of 9/11, and sets the stage for a reasoned, clear, and considered discussion of the future with a collection of essays commemorating the 10th anniversary of the attacks. The contributors include supporters and critics of the war on terrorism, policymakers and commentators, insiders and outsiders, and some of the leading voices inside and outside government.
In this contribution to philosophical ethics, Claudia Card revisits the theory of evil developed in her earlier book The Atrocity Paradigm (2002), and expands it to consider collectively perpetrated and collectively suffered atrocities. Redefining evil as a secular concept and focusing on the inexcusability - rather than the culpability - of atrocities, Card examines the tension between responding to evils and preserving humanitarian values. This stimulating and often provocative book contends that understanding the evils in terrorism, torture and genocide enables us to recognise similar evils in everyday life: daily life under oppressive regimes and in racist environments; violence against women, including in the home; violence and executions in prisons; hate crimes; and violence against animals. Card analyses torture, terrorism and genocide in the light of recent atrocities, considering whether there can be moral justifications for terrorism and torture, and providing conceptual tools to distinguish genocide from non-genocidal mass slaughter.
The attacks on Mumbai on 26 November 2008 brought home to Indians the full horror of terrorism. It also brought home, quite literally, the change in the contemporary face of war. War today is no longer confined to battle fields; it is right here. How is India equipped to deal with this menace which has been described as an 'ultramodern, and a very traditional, conspiracy'? In this collection of essays, nine eminent experts-strategic analysts and military historians-examine, among other issues, the capacity of India's police and paramilitary forces to deal with well-equipped, meticulously planned terror attacks, the army's ability to transform its 'reactive mode' to a more proactive approach and the complex dynamics of the nuclear terror threat. And, the big question, if elements within the Pakistani establishment are involved in the threat to India, what is the most effective way for the Indian state to respond? This collection illuminates one of the most burning issues facing Indians today.
This work focuses on terrorism and the struggle against it in Europe - on contemporary experiences, threat perceptions and the policies of several European countries, including the effects produced by the 11 September, 2001 attacks in the US.
Al Qaeda killed over 3,000 US citizens on September 11, 2001, and terrorism leapt to the fore of US strategic and political priorities. Yet, after nearly six years of concentrated effort by the United States, the dominant power in the international system, Al Qaeda survives and is still acknowledged as a potent threat. This begs the question not just of why, but also of what the United States can do to redress the situation. Confronting Al-Qaeda asserts that Al-Qaeda is primarily a political threat, not a military one. This is because terrorists subvert legitimate political processes to achieve political ends. Al-Qaeda challenges not only specific U.S. policy decisions, but also the very nature of the U.S. political system and the U.S.-lead international order created after World War II. Therefore the character of the U.S. political response to the threat from Al-Qaeda is critical. Al-Qaeda’s capacity for violence is the direct source of its power. This must be reduced, and coercive means, such as the military, intelligence, and law enforcement, are necessary, for they alone directly degrade Al-Qaeda’s potential. A singularly coercive approach, however, is insufficient. As the leader of the international system, the United States is in a position to politically undercut Al-Qaeda. The United States can do so by adhering to globally revered traditional US political values and foreign policy.
Drawing on research, which includes interviews with London bomb victims and others, this work explains what is known about our reaction to terror attacks. It also shows how we can survive the unthinkable and tells us why we should understand our enemies, warning us that terrorism is the ultimate copycat crime.
This book examines the evolving threat of terrorism and draws on the latest research to assess future trends. The author assumes that terrorism will remain a potent threat to the international system throughout the twenty-first century, primarily because of the convergence of two negative trends: the availability of Chemical, Biological, Radiological, and Nuclear Weapons (CBRN) - also known as Weapons of Mass Destruction - and the proliferation of terrorist organizations seeking to achieve mass casualties. Even without the CBRN element, however, Smith maintains that terrorism will remain an ongoing threat. The book also explores specific aspects of contemporary terrorism, including political, social, economic, religious, and ideological factors, globalization as a stimulation to contemporary terrorism, the role of organized crime in terrorist movements, and more. Written with students in college and professional programs in mind, the book includes case studies interspersed throughout the chapters that provide clarifying examples.
Strategic Asia 2004?05: Confronting Terrorism in the Pursuit of Power examines the U.S.-led war on terrorism and assesses its impact for the grand strategies of major Asian powers. Confronting Terrorism in the Pursuit of Power is the fourth edition in the Strategic Asia series, and this year's volume is composed of five country studies, four regional studies, and four topical studies.Individual country studies analyze the United States, China, Japan, Korea, and Russia. Regional studies cover Central, South, Southeast, and Southwest Asia. The four topical studies address how broader transnational issues impact regional, political, economic, and security dynamics. Topics for this year's program include: energy security in Asia, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, alternative futures for North Korea, and science and technology trends in Asia. All chapters examine the short- and long-term implications for U.S. interests in Asia, and aim to sharpen the ability of U.S. policymakers to craft effective and credible strategies toward the region.
Since the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks in the United States, critics have charged that the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), while qualified to investigate terrorist incidents after the fact, is not well equipped to adequately gather and assess information to prevent attacks. More intrinsically, many believe that, given a predominant and deeply rooted law enforcement and prosecutorial culture, the bureau may not be able--or, in fact, even willing--to change operational focus toward dedicated counterterrorism intelligence gathering and analysis. To better inform debate, researchers at the RAND Corporation analyzed the domestic security services of four allied countries--the United Kingdom, France, Canada, and Australia. In each of the cases, the authors consider the organization's basic structure, its main threats, its relationship with the police, and the oversight and accountability each has with its respective government. They then weigh both the positive and negative aspects of the systems. Overall, the authors find the case studies useful as a benchmark to guide developments should a decision be made to establish a similar type of agency in the United States. (PW/PC)
When we take a look back at the way Western states have fought terrorist organizations in the last 20 years, it is difficult not to think that these alternatives to war might have been more ethical than the decisions to invade Afghanistan and Iraq in 2001 and in 2003. These cases speak for themselves as they have both led to the death of hundreds of thousands of innocent civilians, which is highly paradoxical in light of the logic that supported these interventions. There is a need to think of alternatives to war that will imply the legitimization of proactive sets of measures that would allow states to effectively prevent terrorist attacks through the use of kinetic force in a limited extent as a way to avoid the terrible and unpredictable effects of wars. Violent Alternatives to War: Justifying Actions Against Contemporary Terrorism engages in a moral discussion of the challenges associated with violent alternatives to war when confronting terrorism and suggests a comprehensive approach to how this form of violence can be legitimized and how it ought to be used against this contemporary threat.