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British society changed radically in the 21st century. Any political party dedicated to preserving the Britain of 1900 would have faced, over time, either major problems of adjustment or the possibility of its own destruction. The British Conservative party was just such a party, its character defined by its commitment to the defence of the British status quo. Yet it has also been one of the most successful political parties in the twentieth century. Not only was it able to adjust itself to the transformation of British society including two world wars and the most catastrophic slump – but it was able to win elections more consistently than any of its rivals. This book seeks to show how the Conservatives achieved such a metamorphosis, by identifying the main changes in the British economy and society, and the changing Conservative response. In practice, there was no single Conservative response to any particular change. The debate within the party revealed a surprisingly large number of responses; yet the range was limited. Indeed, with some simplification, one can see only two general political positions, from which flowed differing proposals on all detailed issues. In describing these two positions, the author suggests a new method of classifying dominant political beliefs in Britain and other Western countries. This study covers a wide field, bringing together contemporary Conservative politics, economic problems and economic history. The Conservatives were intimately related to the interests of what used to be called British capitalism, and their attitudes to the changes taking place in industry reveal most clearly the changing political priorities of the party. The book examines Conservative policy, proposals and attitudes to nationalization and the public sector, to the trade unions and labour, to private business and finally to the economic role of the State, between 1945 and 1964. For those wishing to gain an understanding of the British Conservatives, Nigel Harris’ detailed and stimulating material will make excellent reading and has been acclaimed since its first publication in 1972.
The history of the Conservative Party during the first half of the twentieth century was marked by crisis and controversy, from Joseph Chamberlain's tariff reform campaign through the Lloyd George coalition and the National Government between the wars to the defeat of 1945 and the post war recovery. This study provides a lucid account of this turbulent and formative period in the history of the most durable and adaptive force in modern British politics.
Won the 2011 Prize for best publication on Conservatives and Conservatism awarded by the specialist group 'Conservatives and Conservatism' of the UK Political Studies Association.
'[During the 1960s] a society of different lifestyles spawned a group of young people who were brought up without parental discipline, without proper role models and without any sense of responsibility to or for others' - Tony Blair, July 2004In this fascinating and timely book, Mark Jarvis explores the validity of such notions, together with related views held by those who blame British moral decline on legislation enacted by Harold Wilson's governments. This book strongly challenges this perspective, arguing that it was actually Harold Macmillan's Conservative administrations which introduced social legislation that would be termed 'permissive'. The dilemma faced by the Tories was clear: Macmillan encouraged affluence and presided over a Britain that had more money to spend on pursuing pleasure, but how could government manage this demand while still conserving traditional social bonds? Jarvis discusses some of the most controversial social issues faced by the conservative administration at the time, from crime, gambling, drinking, homosexuality, prostitution, pornography, to Sunday observance and the challenges imposed by the new medium of television. This revolution still reverberates in Britain today, and this book will make fascinating reading for those looking at British society in the 1960s, as well as those looking for a historical perspective on related contemporary issues.
The papers that comprise this volume reveal how people are intent on preserving not only their wealth but culture too. The individual contributions identify the key arguments used to coax voters, whose natural sympathies might gravitate to the left, to vote for the Conservative Party en masse.
What do we really mean when we say a political party has changed? And exactly what is it that drives that change? Political scientists working in the comparative tradition have come up with a general explanation that revolves around the role of election defeats and loss of office, and around changes of leader and factions. But how well does that explanation cope when subjected to a historically-grounded and therefore robust examination? This book tries to answer that question by subjecting the common wisdom to a real-world, over-time test using one of the world's oldest and most successful political parties as an in-depth case study. What do the periods spent in both opposition and government by the British Conservatives since 1945 tell us about what drives parties to change their sales-force, the way they organize, and the policies they come up with? Using internal papers, memos and minutes of meetings from party archives, along with historical and contemporary accounts, memoirs and interviews, this book maps the extent of change and then explores what may have driven it. The conventional wisdom, it turns out, is not necessarily wrong but incomplete, requiring both qualification and supplementation. This approachably-written book suggests when, how, and why. Along the way, it provides a fresh and comprehensive account of the Conservative Party that should appeal equally to those interested in political history and those interested in political science.
Contemporary British Conservatism brings together a set of specially-commissioned chapters by leading authorities to provide a broad-ranging assessment of Conservative politics, policy and ideology today. A central concern throughout is to assess the impact of Thatcherism on the party and the extent to which there has been a return to more traditional Conservatism under John Major.
The Brief and Turbulent Life of Modernising Conservatism is an examination of government tensions and frustrations during a time of economic and social flux. It concentrates on the development of domestic industrial policy in the Conservative Party between 1945 and 1964, with particular emphasis on Harold Macmillan’s and Sir Alec Douglas-Home’s administrations. Between the general elections of 1959 and 1964, the Conservative Government effected a series of striking and dangerously controversial policy transformations in response to its recognition of Britain’s relative economic decline. These adjustments were both practical and strategic. The administration’s aim was extraordinarily ambitious. It sought to fashion a recognisably modern and dynamic, yet socially stable, nation that could retain its place in the international élite. Thereby, the Party hoped to ensure its own continuation in power. The author considers policy innovations that included an ill-starred attempt to join the European Community, the development of macro-economic planning, and the abolition of resale price maintenance–an exploit which roused the Tory Party to unusual heights of passion. The book does not simply regurgitate an orthodox high political narrative. Instead, it investigates topics of interest to modern historians and political scientists alike. It will be of value to anyone interested in questions of modern political ideology, social and economic change, the nature of popular political support, or the constraints on state power in the post-war world.
For most of the twentieth century, the Conservative Party engaged in an ongoing struggle to curb the power of the trade unions, culminating in the radical legislation of the Thatcher governments. Yet, as this book shows, for a brief period between the end of the Second World War and the election of Harold Wilson's Labour government in 1964, the Conservative Party adopted a remarkably constructive and conciliatory approach to the trade unions, dubbed 'voluntarism'. During this time the party leadership made strenuous efforts to avoid, as far as was politically possible, confrontation with, or legislation against, the trade unions, even when this incurred the wrath of some Conservative backbenchers and the Party's mass membership. In explaining why the Conservative leadership sought to avoid conflict with the trade unions, this study considers the economic circumstances of the period in question, the political environment, electoral considerations, the perspective adopted by the Conservative leadership in comprehending industrial relations and explaining conflict in the workplace, and the personalities of both the Conservative leadership and the key figures in the trade unions. Making extensive use of primary and archival sources it explains why the 1945-64 period was unique in the Conservative Party's approach to Britain's trade unions. By 1964, though, even hitherto Conservative defenders of voluntarism were acknowledging that some form of official inquiry into the conduct and operation of trade British unionism, as a prelude to legislation, was necessary, thereby signifying that the heyday of 'voluntarism' and cordial relations between senior Conservatives and the trade unions was coming to an end.