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This influential 1948 study investigates the effects of colonial rule in Burma through comparison with the Dutch East Indies.
In this sequel to Kingston, Jamaica: Urban Development and Social Change, 1692 to 1962 (1975) Colin Clarke investigates the role of class, colour, race, and culture in the changing social stratification and spatial patterning of Kingston, Jamaica since independence in 1962. He also assesses the strains - created by the doubling of the population - on labour and housing markets, which are themselves important ingredients in urban social stratification. Special attention is also given to colour, class, and race segregation, to the formation of the Kingston ghetto, to the role of politics in the creation of zones of violence and drug trading in downtown Kingston, and to the contribution of the arts to the evolution of national culture. A special feature is the inclusion of multiple maps produced and compiled using GIS (geographical information systems). The book concludes with a comparison with the post-colonial urban problems of South Africa and Brazil, and an evalution of the de-colonization of Kingston.
No Other Way Out provides a powerful explanation for the emergence of popular revolutionary movements, and the occurrence of actual revolutions, during the Cold War era. This sweeping study ranges from Southeast Asia in the 1940s and 1950s to Central America in the 1970s and 1980s and Eastern Europe in 1989. Following in the 'state-centered' tradition of Theda Skocpol's States and Social Revolutions and Jack Goldstone's Revolutions and Rebellion in the Early Modern World, Goodwin demonstrates how the actions of specific types of authoritarian regimes unwittingly channeled popular resistance into radical and often violent directions. Revolution became the 'only way out', to use Trotsky's formulation, for the opponents of these intransigent regimes. By comparing the historical trajectories of more than a dozen countries, Goodwin also shows how revolutionaries were sometimes able to create, and not simply exploit, opportunities for seizing state power.
This new study brings together leading experts to show how the modern world began with the coming of the railway. They clearly explain why it had a greater impact than any other technical or industrial innovation before and completely redefined the limits of the civilized world. While the effect of railways on economic development is self-evident, little attention has been paid to their impact on international relations. This is unfortunate, for in the period from 1848 to 1945, railways were an important element in the struggle between the Great Powers. This took many forms. Often, as in East Asia, the competition for railway concessions reflected the clash of rival imperial interests. The success or failure of this competition could determine which of the European Powers was to dominate and exploit the markets of China and Siam. Just as often, railways were linked with military matters. Prussia’s success in the wars of German unification depended on its strategic railways just as much as on the strength of its armies, and the rail links remained a vital aspect of German military thinking before the First World War. So, too, did they for the Russians, whose vast Empire required rail links capable of moving the Tsarist army quickly and competently. Just as importantly, railways could be vital for Imperial defence, as the British discovered on the North-West frontier of India. This book will be of much interest to students of international history, military history and strategic studies.
At a fairly early stage of socialism's penetration into the Afro-Asian world, a handful of European social democrats established an Indian Social-Democratic Association (lSDV). They did so in a country, Indonesia, that was economically little developed and far away from any of the centres of European socialism and Asiatic radical-national ism. The ISDV was soon able to bring its influence to bear on sec tions of the urban proletariat and to build up an Indonesian revol utionary movement. This occurred in sharp competition with a nascent nationalist leadership, and then without the usual inter mediary role played by radicalizing groups of native intelligentsia. In this way, Dutch social democrats laid the foundations for one of the first communist parties in Asia and Africa, a party which was des tined to become one of the few communist mass parties of the Third World. However, in contrast to the major communist movements of China-Vietnam, this Indonesian party was to demonstrate a basic weakness: successive and catastrophic defeats. ! If we leave out Japan, the only non-Western country where a capi talist industrial revolution occurred, we see that foreign and particu larly Western minorities frequently did playa dominant role in the initial and formative phases of the socialist and workers' movements of the Afro-Asiatic world.