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Originally published in 1987. This important and provocative book explains the persistence of hunger, poverty, and the lack of balanced development in many countries and the central role of agriculture in economic development. Most theories of agricultural development are based on the experiences of western Europe and the United States while the two models for successful "late development" have been Japan and the Soviet Union. This book surveys the evolution of agriculture under colonialism in Latin America, Africa, and Asia and concludes that this long period distorted the development prospects for these areas and retarded the production of food. Under strong state capitalist governments, a few underdeveloped countries have broken the colonial patterns of development. However, other post-revolutionary societies are having far less success because of economic blockades and outside military intervention. While the primary focus of the book is on the short-run problems of inequality, the author examines the long-run ecological and resource constraints to a sustainable food system and raising the standard of living in the underdeveloped world.
A multidisciplinary analysis of the role of nutrition in generating hierarchical societies and cultivating a global epidemic of chronic diseases.
Originally published in 1989, The Geography of Urban-Rural Interaction in Developing Countries addresses the nature and importance of the interaction between ‘urban’ and ‘rural’ areas within Third World national territories, providing much-needed comparative, cross-cultural, and cross-national material. The book discusses the various theories of urban-rural interaction, and summarises the topic in the form of the movement of people, goods, money, capital, new technology, energy, information and ideas. Case studies are drawn from different areas of the Third World – including Africa, Asia, the Middle East, and the Caribbean and illustrate in detail the nature of urban-rural interaction.
Early in the twenty-first century, a quiet revolution occurred. For the first time, the major developed economies began to invest more in intangible assets, like design, branding, and software, than in tangible assets, like machinery, buildings, and computers. For all sorts of businesses, the ability to deploy assets that one can neither see nor touch is increasingly the main source of long-term success. But this is not just a familiar story of the so-called new economy. Capitalism without Capital shows that the growing importance of intangible assets has also played a role in some of the larger economic changes of the past decade, including the growth in economic inequality and the stagnation of productivity. Jonathan Haskel and Stian Westlake explore the unusual economic characteristics of intangible investment and discuss how an economy rich in intangibles is fundamentally different from one based on tangibles. Capitalism without Capital concludes by outlining how managers, investors, and policymakers can exploit the characteristics of an intangible age to grow their businesses, portfolios, and economies.
This book identifies and explains the politico-historical forces that underlie agrarian policies in Nigeria. It also examines the impacts of these policies on different social classes and groups, especially the peasantry. The book focuses specifically on the Agricultural Marketing and Commodity Boards in Nigeria from 1945-1985. These boards are examined as state agencies and actions that have direct implications for different classes and groups. The book reveals that the various social classes and groups contested every step of the agrarian policies, right from their agenda setting to actual implementation. Consequently, the contestations affected drastically the policies and outcomes in such a way that the original goals were lost. I am very impressed with its theoretical scope, command of extant literature and methodological sophistication. Dr. Mous book should be of immense interest to a broad range of scholars from political theorists, to political economists as well as African area specialists. - Professor Crawford Young, Department of Political Science, University of Wisconsin Madison, USA. Dr. Dan MouThanks for contributing to knowledge. Your book is highly expository and full of discoveries We are proud of you. S.A. Raofu, Chairman, Committee of Deans, AOCOE, Lagos, Nigeria.
This book shows that the security, economic, political, and social problems challenging national security, democracy, and good governance currently in Nigeria would get better or worse, depending on what happens to the 71 percent of Nigerias population still living below the poverty line. This is in spite of the billions of petrodollars that Nigeria garnered as revenue over the past few decades. It reveals that one does not need to be a political prophet to predict that if these challenges are not successfully addressed through good governance and inclusive growth, this country will witness worse civil disobedience, violence, revolts, militancy, breakdown of law and order, more kidnappings, and more of the citizens trying to check out of the country to other parts of the world in the future. It concludes, however, that under such intense pressures, the Government of Nigeria, even if it is simply for its self-preservation, will be forced by the objective conditions to move against the interests of the dominant groups and classes in Nigeria. These are the ones who have, for long, captured and hijacked state power and the resources of the country for their exclusive use. There is this perception that Nigerians dont write and read. This perception is deep-seated, even among intellectuals who see our authors as shallow researchers. But Dr. Dan Mou has debunked that myth and shown that Nigerians can write well-researched and detailed books. It is quite prophetic in its assessment of the Nigerian State (Agbo Agbo, deputy editor, The Nation). Dr. Dan Mou has proven himself a world-class scholar and an intellectual colossus. His reputation as an internationally renowned public policy expert has continued to soar. I congratulate him for these remarkable achievements (Professor Justice Abdul Fatai Kuti, first justice of Abuja High Court and former dean, faculty of law, University of Ado Ekiti, Ekiti State of Nigeria). Dr. Mou is certainly one of the best scholars we have on the African continent. As an educationist myself, before I became a traditional ruler, I agree totally with his analysis and conclusions. I share the optimism Dr. Mou has expressed . . . that once the recommendations therein are adopted and meticulously implemented, with proper monitoring and evaluation of such resultant policies and programmes, Nigeria and indeed Africa would be able to solve most of these challenges (HRH Alh. Dr. Sheban Audu, Nizazo III, Etsu Kwali, Etsu Kwalis Palace, Abuja, Nigeria).
Critically drawing on recent theorizations of post-structuralism, feminism, critical criminology, subaltern studies, and post-coloniality he examines the mechanisms through which colonized subjects become recognized, contained, and represented as subordinate.
This book shows that the security, economic, political, and social problems challenging national security, democracy, and good governance currently in Nigeria would get better or worse, depending on what happens to the seventy-one percent (71%) of Nigerias population still living below poverty line. This is in spite of the billions of petrodollars that Nigeria garnered as revenue over the past few decades. It reveals that one does not need to be a political prophet to predict that if these challenges are not successfully addressed through good governance and inclusive growth, this country will witness the worst civil disobedience, violence, revolts, militancy, breakdown of law and order, more kidnappings, and more of the citizens trying to check out of the country to other parts of the world in future. It concludes, however, that under such intense pressures, the Government of Nigeria, even if it is simply for its self-preservation, will be forced by the objective conditions to move against the interests of the dominant groups and classes in Nigeria. These are the ones who have, for long, captured and hijacked state power and the resources of the country for their exclusive use.
The performance of Nigeria has recently been vehemently criticized as not commensurate with her human and material potentialities. The hope that Nigeria is, by destiny, the African Giant appears to be fading. Some analysts, seeing this, have blamed it on the character defects of the leadership in Nigeria. They argue that because the leaders are predatory and corrupt, they have preoccupied themselves with their interests, which are primitive accumulation and luxurious lifestyles. Meanwhile, the rest of the citizens are suffering. This book argues that such character defects may indeed exist in some of Nigerian leaders. However, these are not the main reasons for their dismal performance regarding the welfare of the citizens. The main problem is that Nigerian leaders seem to have largely lost control over the state and its policies, which appear to have been captured by the dominant classes and groupslocal and international. Nigerias main problem is, therefore, a structural one. Nonetheless, the book concludesas the security, economic, political, and social crises intensifyNigerian leaders, even if it is simply for self-preservation, will be forced by the objective conditions to move against the interests of these dominant classes and groups. It is only then that Nigeria can realistically be restored to the possibility of becoming an African Giant.