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This book examines two patterns of democracy – collegial and personal – through a comprehensive comparison of political institutions. It develops a conceptual, theoretical, and methodological basis for differentiating collegial and personal democracies. Central institutions in democracy are classified according to their levels of personalism and collegialism, including political parties, candidate selection methods and electoral systems, legislature, and cabinets and governments. The book presents preliminary findings concerning the causes for this variance between the two democratic regime types. The book will be of key interest to students and scholars of democratic institutions, personalism and personalization, political parties and, more broadly, democracy.
To the ancient Greeks, democracy meant gathering in public and debating laws set by a randomly selected assembly of several hundred citizens. To the Icelandic Vikings, democracy meant meeting every summer in a field to discuss issues until consensus was reached. Our contemporary representative democracies are very different. Modern parliaments are gated and guarded, and it seems as if only certain people are welcome. Diagnosing what is wrong with representative government and aiming to recover some of the openness of ancient democracies, Open Democracy presents a new paradigm of democracy. Supporting a fresh nonelectoral understanding of democratic representation, Hélène Landemore demonstrates that placing ordinary citizens, rather than elites, at the heart of democratic power is not only the true meaning of a government of, by, and for the people, but also feasible and, more than ever, urgently needed. -- Cover page 4.
This book employs a political economic approach in exploring the underlying neoliberal foundations of politics and electioneering in both the United States and the United Kingdom that have widened the divide among voters and, over time, led to a deep distrust of state institutions, including electoral politics and system of political representation. Covering the period of 1980 to the present, the book provides analysis of how neoliberalism applies to the electoral sphere and draws the connections between the larger forces behind the globalising political economy and the trajectory of the corporate state and the many intersections of US and UK electoral politics – with lessons for other wealthy states that follow in similar pathways. As such, it helps explain a phenomenal parallel pattern of major political upheavals and social dislocations within these two countries. Finally, it reveals through numerous social indicators that the two leading neoliberal political economic systems are producing depressing results for large sections of their citizenry and a threat to social democracy, as the concentration of wealth and well-being is largely captured by a minority class of empowered individuals. This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of electoral politics, political parties, political behaviour, British politics, U.S. politics and more broadly to readers interested in political economy and comparative politics.
As public order policing become more prominently widespread so is the need to better explain why some instances of collective action transform into civil disorder. In this book, Joanna Rak advances a middle-range theory to better explain the sources of civil disorder in one of the pandemic-ridden regions of the European Union, the post-communist states. Supported by systematic empirical evidence of protest policing in 11 countries in the region, Rak delves analytically into conditions of civil disorder in each state to test the hypotheses and offer an explanation. The analysis begins by discussing the demonstration events from the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project database. She then identifies conditions of civil disorder development for each demonstration event, including police partisanship, the dimensions of protest policing, and the aggregate model of protest policing. The comparative analysis sheds light on the conditions under which collective action transforms into civil disorder and the outcomes vital for managing the relationship between law enforcement and public gatherings in a way that ensures the safe practice of civil rights. Pandemic-Era Civil Disorder in Post-Communist EU Member States offers a thought-provoking and nuanced understanding of civil order and democratic struggles in the region and will interest students and researchers of comparative politics, contentious politics, democratic theory, civil society, and post-communism.
This book examines the expansion of climate governance frameworks in the EU and US and their re-framing as part of green industrial programs. Addressing research on how vectors of stability and punctuation interact to advance or block policy progress, the book breaks new ground by presenting a theoretical framework suitable to integrate insights of comparative research and “sui generis” accounts of climate policy as a variable and multi-dimensional issue. In its empirical part, it compares two contrasting trajectories of climate policy-making: namely, the adaptation of the European Green Deal agenda to the exogenous shocks of the Covid pandemic and war in Ukraine through its NextGen and REPowerEU programs; and the launch of green industrial policies targeting infrastructure (Bipartisan Infrastructure Law) and inflation reduction (Inflation Reduction Act) in the US. Finally discussing to what degree the EU and US show signs of convergence towards a new type of climate policy from opposed starting points, the book identifies future research agendas around the topics of climate policy integration and politicization. This book will be of key interest to scholars, students and practitioners of climate change governance, EU and US politics, environmental politics and comparative politics.
Scholars from political science and law examine the latest research on the constitutionalization of politics in comparative perspective. The scope includes both inter- country and intra- country perspectives, institutional and systemic analyses, common and civil law systems, focusing on historical and contemporary case studies. There are chapters limited to a concrete legal and political system, analyzing the tools and processes guarding constitutionalization of politics in such countries as the United States, Germany, France, Italy, Poland, Finland, and Bulgaria, as well as studies offering comparative analysis of various institutions representing different countries and different legal and political systems. Taken together, this book uncovers a wide variety of legal and political cultures, systems of governments, and forms of territorial organization. Once uncovered, this approach makes it easier to determine repetitive patterns which may be observed in constitutional review and constitutional interpretation, or significant differences occurring in the models of constitutionalization of politics around the world. Constitutionalization of Politics in Comparative Perspective tackles important debates among academics interested in the theoretical and practical aspects of constitutions and constitutionalism and will appeal to social scientists, including sociologists, philosophers, security studies and international relations experts but also cultural studies scholars.
A New Statesman Book of the Year “America’s greatest historian of democracy now offers an extraordinary history of the most bizarre aspect of our representative democracy—the electoral college...A brilliant contribution to a critical current debate.” —Lawrence Lessig, author of They Don’t Represent Us Every four years, millions of Americans wonder why they choose their presidents through an arcane institution that permits the loser of the popular vote to become president and narrows campaigns to swing states. Congress has tried on many occasions to alter or scuttle the Electoral College, and in this master class in American political history, a renowned Harvard professor explains its confounding persistence. After tracing the tangled origins of the Electoral College back to the Constitutional Convention, Alexander Keyssar outlines the constant stream of efforts since then to abolish or reform it. Why have they all failed? The complexity of the design and partisan one-upmanship have a lot to do with it, as do the difficulty of passing constitutional amendments and the South’s long history of restrictive voting laws. By revealing the reasons for past failures and showing how close we’ve come to abolishing the Electoral College, Keyssar offers encouragement to those hoping for change. “Conclusively demonstrates the absurdity of preserving an institution that has been so contentious throughout U.S. history and has not infrequently produced results that defied the popular will.” —Michael Kazin, The Nation “Rigorous and highly readable...shows how the electoral college has endured despite being reviled by statesmen from James Madison, Thomas Jefferson, and Andrew Jackson to Edward Kennedy, Bob Dole, and Gerald Ford.” —Lawrence Douglas, Times Literary Supplement
Presents a theoretically and methodologically sophisticated remapping and analysis of political-institutional power diffusion in democracies.
This book examines two patterns of democracy - collegial and personal - through a comprehensive comparison of political institutions. It develops a conceptual, theoretical, and methodological basis for differentiating collegial and personal democracies. Central institutions in democracy are classified according to their levels of personalism and collegialism, including political parties, candidate selection methods and electoral systems, legislature, and cabinets and governments. The book presents preliminary findings concerning the causes for this variance between the two democratic regime types. The book will be of key interest to students and scholars of democratic institutions, personalism and personalization, political parties and, more broadly, democracy.
The transition to democracy underway in Latin America since the 1980s has recently witnessed a resurgence of interest in experimenting with new forms of local governance emphasizing more participation by ordinary citizens. The hope is both to foster the spread of democracy and to improve equity in the distribution of resources. While participatory budgeting has been a favorite topic of many scholars studying this new phenomenon, there are many other types of ongoing experiments. In Barrio Democracy in Latin America, Eduardo Canel focuses our attention on the innovative participatory programs launched by the leftist government in Montevideo, Uruguay, in the early 1990s. Based on his extensive ethnographic fieldwork, Canel examines how local activists in three low-income neighborhoods in that city dealt with the opportunities and challenges of implementing democratic practices and building better relationships with sympathetic city officials.