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Hong Kong’s ‘Umbrella Revolution’ has been widely regarded as a watershed moment in the polity’s post-1997 history. While public protest has long been a routine part of Hong Kong’s political culture, the preparedness of large numbers of citizens to participate in civil disobedience represented a new moment for Hong Kong society, reflecting both a very high level of politicisation and a deteriorating relationship with Beijing. The transformative processes underpinning the dramatic events of autumn 2014 have a wide relevance to scholarly debates on Hong Kong, China and the changing contours of world politics today. This book provides an accessible entry point into the political and social cleavages that underpinned, and were expressed through, the Umbrella Movement. A key focus is the societal context and issues that have led to growth in a Hong Kong identity and how this became highly politically charged during the Umbrella Movement. It is widely recognised that political and ethnic identity has become a key cleavage in Hong Kong society. But there is little agreement amongst citizens about what it means to ‘be Hong Konger’ today or whether this identity is compatible or conflicting with ‘being Chinese’. The book locates these identity cleavages within their historical context and uses a range of theories to understand these processes, including theories of nationalism, social identity, ethnic conflict, nativism and cosmopolitanism. This theoretical plurality allows the reader to see the new localism in its full diversity and complexity and to reflect on the evolving nature of Hong Kong’s relationship with Mainland China.
This book provides a detailed comparative account of the development of citizenship and civil society in Hong Kong from its time as a British colony to its current status as a special autonomous region of China.
Studies of Hong Kong society have long focused one-sidedly upon economic prosperity and political stability. Contributors to this volume redress this imbalance by taking a critical view of Hong Kong's political development from the perspectives of social conflict and collective action. Instead of looking at Hong Kong from the top, this volume documents the active role played by local actors from below (political groups, student activists, trade unions, women groups, environmentalists, and community organizers) and their impact on social and political development in Hong Kong society in the context of political transition and democratization, economic restructuring, and an emergent local identity.
Despite or perhaps because of globalisation and internationalisation in the contemporary world, the role of education has become more significant in nation formation. However, whereas in the past its function was to create homogeneity and assimilation, today it must deal with diversity and plurality. The modernist premise of “one nation one state” is being questioned and re-constituted with the notion of the plural national-state. This book explores school processes in Hong Kong under these new conditions. The focus is on investigating how the concept of a national identity of the “one country two systems” policy is developing, and is thus a study of that diversity which all education systems now have to address. The policy aims at facilitating national re-integration and consolidation in the face of an insistence on local citizens’ universal civic rights and the values of liberty, equality, democracy and autonomy. The analysis shows citizenship education in the Hong Kong school system is more a locally-oriented cultural and political process than a transmission of a national ideology. Students learn their values, attitudes and perspectives by engaging and interacting with people within and beyond the school community. They acquire a liberal and democratic national identity which is distinct from that of pan-Chinese state-nationalism in mainland China. The book is thus both a case study of Hong Kong and an analysis of change in the relationship of education, citizenship and national identity in the contemporary world.
Hong Kong: Past, Present and Future first explores the "non-national" features of Hong Kong citizenship by analysing its development in relation to three key features: people's identities, uneven political participation, and the development of civil society.The subsequent study explores ideological detachment from ideas of "nation-ness", if English language discourse is to produce a stable model of Hong Kong identity.The authors examine the discourses of young people and older people pertaining to socio-political issues concerning Hong Kong, reviewing major research studies conducted in Hong Kong on young people's attitudes towards the society.The closing review provides an extensive summary on phonetics and phonology research on Hong Kong English in the past two decades, and also discusses how the codification and standardisation of Hong Kong English would aid in its development.
Het uitgangspunt van dit boek is dat Chinese individuen van hun eigen inzet uit moeten kunnen gaan, ongeacht de beperkingen die hen door de staat worden opgelegd. Om hun belangen beter te kunnen verdedigen sluiten sommige individuen zich aan bij sociale bewegingen, die tot sociale protesten kunnen leiden.
This study investigates how youth activists in Hong Kong make sense of citizenship and practice citizenship by participating in different kinds of social movements. Informed by the work of Faulk (2000) and Isin (2009), citizenship is conceptualised as a framework as well as a practice where the definitions are developed and constructed accordingly. A qualitative method is adopted in this research in which in-depth interviews are conducted with 16 youth activists between 18-29 years old and a thematic analysis is carried out for analysis purposes. The major findings suggest that youth activists, even though they are at the forefront of the citizenship movement, find citizenship to be both a familiar and an alien concept. Nevertheless, participation in social movements raise their concerns about citizenship and has compelled some of them to explore a local identity and strive to develop a Hong Kong citizenship from the bottom up. By taking part in social movements, the youth activists build and accumulate experience in citizenship movements, and create diverse and multiple meanings of citizenship. Three types of citizenship acts are found in this study: responsive acts which are emotionally-driven, confrontational and adversarial. The related practices reproduce a market-oriented and exclusionary type of citizenship. Then there are resilient acts of citizenship which are driven by ideology, and emphasise the importance of connecting citizens in the community to collectively advocate for the realisation of citizenship. These citizenship practices tend to produce an open and inclusive type of citizenship. Finally, there are reinvented acts of citizenship, which emphasise autonomous everyday life practices in the community. These are driven by the reflexive practices that are applied in daily life, which tend to inspire a communitarian type of citizenship. The findings of this study also suggest that the authoritarian-neoliberal regime in Hong Kong has a dominant influence over the construction of citizenship. This has been a major force that dictates the direction of youth activism towards exclusionary practices, downplays equal citizenship and causes solo actions in social movements. This citizenship practice reduces the capacity of youth activism from advancing towards activist citizenship, and leads to speculative citizenship characterised by uncertainty and precarity. Notwithstanding the structural constraints, it is found that alternative practices still exist, and the reflexive capacity of youth activism should not be underestimated. It is argued that different acts of citizenship practiced by different groups of activists are not mutually destructive but rather, feed each another in their controversies and debates, and through communication, thus inspiring alternative acts that erode the dominant conception of citizenship, answer to justice as well as inspire activist citizenship.
Hong Kong society is often regarded as politically apathetic. Yet throughout its history, Hong Kong experienced periodic waves of social movement activity. In part, the perception of an apathetic populace stems from the colonial government's laissez-faire policies, the society's concentration on economic development, the maintenance of traditional Chinese culture, and a consensus that Hong Kong would revert to Chinese sovereignty. Since Hong Kong was a colony, instead of evolving into a democratic government, Great Britain instituted a system of elite consultation and absorption of the masses' political problems through indirect participation. Butenhoff addresses the question of why social movements emerged and how they influenced the process of political reform. Her study presents and analyzes the activities of social movements so that a clearer picture of civil society and political change from below emerges. Butenhoff integrates the literature on Hong Kong, civil society, and social movements into an integrated approach to analyze social movement influence in Hong Kong politics. Her three case studies: the independent labor movement, the nontraditional Christian movement, and the democracy movement are analyzed using a social movement framework. She evaluates the forces that drive and sustain social movements and argues that while the Chinese and British governments debated the fate of democratic Hong Kong, the Hong Kong people have been overlooked throughout the process. And, as a result, Hong Kong social movements play an essential role in raising the awareness of the people and bringing to light the voices from below.
This book provides an anatomy of Hong Kong's 2019-2020 social unrest, which has significantly damaged its economy and image. A coalition of Opposition to the Communist Party of China (CPC) emerged in Hong Kong after the 1989 Tiananmen Square Incident. The Basic Law, Hong Kong's mini-constitution which took effect in 1997, defined 'one country, two systems' in Hong Kong but inadvertently installed an 'opposition politics' system that the city was unfamiliar with. Fresh out of a colonial system, Hong Kong did not have the socio-ecological system to hold politicians accountable for their policies. For more than two decades, the tug of war between the Opposition and all other politicians has been delivering inconsistent public policies raising the costs of living and income disparity while hollowing out job opportunities. As a result, the younger generations have been immensely hurt. Meanwhile, the Opposition Camp has been promoting the blame narrative that the CPC is chipping away at Hong Kong's democracy and freedom. While the narrative's empirical evidence is weak and its linkage to Hong Kong's economic grievances is absent, the Opposition Camp has fallen captive to the narrative in the sense that its legitimacy is now tied to the narrative.For more than twenty years, rallies built on the blame narrative have profoundly influenced the development of people who grew up after 1997. Furthermore, the year-long unrest has socialised many more to adopt the narrative. The younger generations have been hurt by inconsistent public policies, and on top of that, the blame narrative has robbed them of any coherent social identity; and finally, the unrest has further dimmed their future. Hong Kong is now facing the problem of how to reincorporate a significant portion among its younger generations into mainstream society. This book offers in-depth analyses of the journey, identifies government and societal failures, and suggests long- and short-term policy directions.