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The international profile of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) has grown significantly over the last half decade, with a notable increase in the frequency and complexity of its activities with partners abroad. As the Chinese military participates in multilateral meetings and engages foreign militaries around the world, it is strengthening diplomatic relations, building the People's Republic of China's (PRC's) soft power, and learning how to deploy and support military forces for longer periods. Several aspects of the PLA's military diplomacy remain relatively understudied. What are the PLA's objectives in conducting military diplomacy? Which partners does the PLA interact with most? What trends are evident in the pace and type of activities the PLA carries out? Which aspects of PLA military diplomacy should concern U.S. policymakers, and which present opportunities? This paper employs a variety of sources to analyze overall trends in the PLA's military diplomacy from approximately 2003 to the end of 2016, and it compares trends during the Hu Jintao era to trends since Xi Jinping became chairman of the Central Military Commission (CMC) in November 2012.
This updated and expanded 3rd edition of Chinese Foreign Policy seeks to explain the processes, actors and current history behind China’s international relations, as well as offering an in-depth look at the key areas of China’s modern global relations. Among the key issues are: The expansion of Chinese foreign policy from regional to international interests China’s growing economic power in an era of global financial uncertainty Modern security challenges, including maritime security, counter-terrorism and protection of overseas economic interests The shifting power relationship with the United States, as well as with the European Union, Russia and Japan. China’s engagement with a growing number of international and regional institutions and legal affairs The developing great power diplomacy of China New chapters address not only China’s evolving foreign policy interests but also recent changes in the international system and the effects of China’s domestic reforms. In response to current events, sections addressing Chinese trade, bilateral relations, and China’s developing strategic interest in Russia and the Polar Regions have be extensively revised and updated. This book will be essential reading for students of Chinese foreign policy and Asian international relations, and highly recommended for students of diplomacy, international security and IR in general.
With new assertiveness and prominence, China under President Xi Jinping is rightly considered an emerging and aggressive superpower backed by growing economic and impressive military strength. In this meticulous and balanced assessment, Robert G. Sutter traces China’s actions under Xi Jinping, including the many challenges they post to the international status quo. He provides a comprehensive analysis of newly prominent Chinese unconventional levers of power and influence in foreign affairs that were previously disguised, hidden, denied or otherwise neglected or unappreciated by specialists. Sutter considers the domestic issues that preoccupy Beijing and the global factors economic and political factors that complicate and constrain as well as enhance China’s advance to international prominence.
For more than a century, no US adversary or coalition of adversaries - not Nazi Germany, Imperial Japan, or the Soviet Union - has ever reached sixty percent of US GDP. China is the sole exception, and it is fast emerging into a global superpower that could rival, if not eclipse, the United States. What does China want, does it have a grand strategy to achieve it, and what should the United States do about it? In The Long Game, Rush Doshi draws from a rich base of Chinese primary sources, including decades worth of party documents, leaked materials, memoirs by party leaders, and a careful analysis of China's conduct to provide a history of China's grand strategy since the end of the Cold War. Taking readers behind the Party's closed doors, he uncovers Beijing's long, methodical game to displace America from its hegemonic position in both the East Asia regional and global orders through three sequential "strategies of displacement." Beginning in the 1980s, China focused for two decades on "hiding capabilities and biding time." After the 2008 Global Financial Crisis, it became more assertive regionally, following a policy of "actively accomplishing something." Finally, in the aftermath populist elections of 2016, China shifted to an even more aggressive strategy for undermining US hegemony, adopting the phrase "great changes unseen in century." After charting how China's long game has evolved, Doshi offers a comprehensive yet asymmetric plan for an effective US response. Ironically, his proposed approach takes a page from Beijing's own strategic playbook to undermine China's ambitions and strengthen American order without competing dollar-for-dollar, ship-for-ship, or loan-for-loan.
This book examines how the rise of China has influenced its cross-regional foreign policy toward non-Arab countries in the Middle East between 2001 and 2011. Analyzing contemporary international crises in the Middle East such as the Iran nuclear crisis, the Palestinian–Israeli conflict, and the Cyprus question, the volume draws on daily newspapers published in Chinese, Turkish, and English and official documents as primary sources. The examined period is critical to understand China’s aggressive and more attractive foreign policy dynamism in the following years. All the bilateral relations China has developed in the Middle East during these years was a preparation for the next big step toward China’s rising influence in the region and the world. Utilizing the framework of debates on the rise of China in international relations literature, the volume focuses on political, economic, and military aspects of the power transition. Claiming that China’s foreign policy toward the Middle East can be defined as "active pragmatism," the "non-Arab" conceptualization provides a new understanding of China’s traditional Middle Eastern foreign policies. The study assesses fieldwork carried out in Beijing and Shanghai, and Chinese sources that are critical in understanding both official and academic perspectives. The book is a key resource for students, academics and analysts interested in China and the Middle East relations, foreign policy, and politics, as well as for contemporary political historians.
China's People's Liberation Army (PLA) has embarked on its most wide-ranging and ambitious restructuring since 1949, including major changes to most of its key organizations. The restructuring reflects the desire to strengthen PLA joint operation capabilities- on land, sea, in the air, and in the space and cyber domains. The reforms could result in a more adept joint warfighting force, though the PLA will continue to face a number of key hurdles to effective joint operations, Several potential actions would indicate that the PLA is overcoming obstacles to a stronger joint operations capability. The reforms are also intended to increase Chairman Xi Jinping's control over the PLA and to reinvigorate Chinese Communist Party (CCP) organs within the military. Xi Jinping's ability to push through reforms indicates that he has more authority over the PLA than his recent predecessors. The restructuring could create new opportunities for U.S.-China military contacts.
What changes in China's modern military policy reveal about military organizations and strategySince the 1949 Communist Revolution, China has devised nine different military strategies, which the People's Liberation Army (PLA) calls "strategic guidelines." What accounts for these numerous changes? Active Defense offers the first systematic look at China's military strategy from the mid-twentieth century to today. Exploring the range and intensity of threats that China has faced, M. Taylor Fravel illuminates the nation's past and present military goals and how China sought to achieve them, and offers a rich set of cases for deepening the study of change in military organizations.Drawing from diverse Chinese-language sources, including memoirs of leading generals, military histories, and document collections that have become available only in the last two decades, Fravel shows why transformations in military strategy were pursued at certain times and not others. He focuses on the military strategies adopted in 1956, 1980, and 1993-when the PLA was attempting to wage war in a new kind of way-to show that China has pursued major change in its strategic guidelines when there has been a significant shift in the conduct of warfare in the international system and when China's Communist Party has been united.Delving into the security threats China has faced over the last seven decades, Active Defense offers a detailed investigation into how and why states alter their defense policies.
This comprehensive introduction to Chinese foreign relations examines the opportunities and limits China faces as it seeks growing international influence. Tracing the record of twists and turns in Chinese foreign relations since the end of the Cold War, Robert G. Sutter provides a nuanced analysis that shows that despite its growing power, Beijing is hampered by both domestic and international constraints. Newly revised, this edition features more extensive treatment of China s role in the international economy and greater discussion of its relations with the developing world. Overall, Sutter's balanced and thorough assessment shows China's leaders exerting more influence in world affairs but remaining far from dominant. Facing numerous contradictions and trade-offs, they move cautiously as they deal with a complex global environment."
Taiwan "is becoming the most dangerous flash point in the world for a possible war that involves the United States, China, and probably other major powers," warn Robert D. Blackwill, Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) Henry A. Kissinger senior fellow for U.S. foreign policy, and Philip Zelikow, University of Virginia White Burkett Miller professor of history. In a new Council Special Report, The United States, China, and Taiwan: A Strategy to Prevent War, the authors argue that the United States should change and clarify its strategy to prevent war over Taiwan. "The U.S. strategic objective regarding Taiwan should be to preserve its political and economic autonomy, its dynamism as a free society, and U.S.-allied deterrence-without triggering a Chinese attack on Taiwan." "We do not think it is politically or militarily realistic to count on a U.S. military defeat of various kinds of Chinese assaults on Taiwan, uncoordinated with allies. Nor is it realistic to presume that, after such a frustrating clash, the United States would or should simply escalate to some sort of wide-scale war against China with comprehensive blockades or strikes against targets on the Chinese mainland." "If U.S. campaign plans postulate such unrealistic scenarios," the authors add, "they will likely be rejected by an American president and by the U.S. Congress." But, they observe, "the resulting U.S. paralysis would not be the result of presidential weakness or timidity. It might arise because the most powerful country in the world did not have credible options prepared for the most dangerous military crisis looming in front of it." Proposing "a realistic strategic objective for Taiwan, and the associated policy prescriptions, to sustain the political balance that has kept the peace for the last fifty years," the authors urge the Joe Biden administration to affirm that it is not trying to change Taiwan's status; work with its allies, especially Japan, to prepare new plans that could challenge Chinese military moves against Taiwan and help Taiwan defend itself, yet put the burden of widening a war on China; and visibly plan, beforehand, for the disruption and mobilization that could follow a wider war, but without assuming that such a war would or should escalate to the Chinese, Japanese, or American homelands. "The horrendous global consequences of a war between the United States and China, most likely over Taiwan, should preoccupy the Biden team, beginning with the president," the authors conclude.