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China’s territorial disputes have been a matter of debate since the 1950s. While China has amicably resolved boundary disputes with 12 out of 14 neighbouring countries, it is yet to resolve its boundary disputes with India and Bhutan as also its two martime disputes in the South China Sea and East China Sea. Given that the prediction for the settlement of China’s remaining disputes is largely doubtful, this book investigates the reasons for differences in Chinese behaviour with India. China’s boundary dispute with India is a subject of deliberation and it remains to be seen whether China plans to devise its ‘boundary diplomacy’ with a country as huge and strong as India.
As China emerges as an international economic and military power, the world waits to see how the nation will assert itself globally. Yet, as M. Taylor Fravel shows in Strong Borders, Secure Nation, concerns that China might be prone to violent conflict over territory are overstated. The first comprehensive study of China's territorial disputes, Strong Borders, Secure Nation contends that China over the past sixty years has been more likely to compromise in these conflicts with its Asian neighbors and less likely to use force than many scholars or analysts might expect. By developing theories of cooperation and escalation in territorial disputes, Fravel explains China's willingness to either compromise or use force. When faced with internal threats to regime security, especially ethnic rebellion, China has been willing to offer concessions in exchange for assistance that strengthens the state's control over its territory and people. By contrast, China has used force to halt or reverse decline in its bargaining power in disputes with its militarily most powerful neighbors or in disputes where it has controlled none of the land being contested. Drawing on a rich array of previously unexamined Chinese language sources, Strong Borders, Secure Nation offers a compelling account of China's foreign policy on one of the most volatile issues in international relations.
Unresolved Border, Land and Maritime Disputes in Southeast Asia, edited by Alfred Gerstl and Mária Strašáková, sheds light on various unresolved and lingering territorial disputes in Southeast Asia and their reflection in current inter-state relations in the region. The authors, academics from Europe and East Asia, particularly address the territorial disputes in the South China Sea and those between Vietnam and Cambodia and Thailand and Cambodia. They apply International Relations theories in a wider regional and comparative perspective. The empirical analyses are embedded in a concise theoretical discussion of the principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity and borders. Furthermore, the book discusses the role of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and other multi-track mechanisms in border conflict mediation. Contributors are: Petra Andělová, Alica Kizeková, Filip Kraus, Josef Falko Loher, Padraig Lysaght, Jörg Thiele, Richard Turcsányi, Truong-Minh Vu and Zdeněk Kříž.
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This Handbook examines the theory and practice of international relations in Asia. Building on an investigation of how various theoretical approaches to international relations can elucidate Asia's empirical realities, authors examine the foreign relations and policies of major countries or sets of countries.
Today's hearing will cover China's maritime disputes in the East and South China Seas. We'll examine the security, political, legal, and economic drivers of these disputes in our three panels today. The first panel will begin by discussing the broad security situation on the high seas. As China's maritime forces have become more capable over the past decade, Beijing has become more confident in its ability to assert its claims in the disputed areas. Beyond China's "hard" security concerns, however, other domestic, political, and legal elements shape China's policy in the East and South China Seas. Our second panel will consider popular nationalism as one of these elements. It has become a key driver of Chinese foreign policy as personality politics in Beijing has given way to a collective leadership seeking Party legitimacy. We'll conclude with a panel on how resources and economic drivers shape China's maritime disputes. Security of China's near seas is critical to the unimpeded flow of trade and imported energy resources. Though the natural resources in the East and South China Sea undoubtedly shape the security landscape, there appears to be a debate on the centrality of oil and gas resources to the dispute.
To explore what extended competition between the United States and China might entail out to 2050, the authors of this report identified and characterized China’s grand strategy, analyzed its component national strategies (diplomacy, economics, science and technology, and military affairs), and assessed how successful China might be at implementing these over the next three decades.
The South China Sea region contains potentially huge deposits of petroleum and natural gas, important shipping lanes and fishing areas, and is subject to a number of maritime territorial disputes. This edited volume analyzes the most recent development in the South China Sea dispute looking at the positions taken by China, the ASEAN countries, and the US. In recent years maritime joint development zones have emerged as an important means to overcome deadlock in relation to maritime jurisdictional claims. This book tests the applicability of joint development regime in this region and explores the prospect of joint development of resources as a way to successfully manage the conflict in the South China Sea. Eminent scholars in the field of South China Sea studies have contributed original chapters to the volume covering such issues as: the legal framework for joint development; how joint development might work in practice; the challenges faced by and the prospects arising from joint development; and the way forward for the region.
For more than a century, no US adversary or coalition of adversaries - not Nazi Germany, Imperial Japan, or the Soviet Union - has ever reached sixty percent of US GDP. China is the sole exception, and it is fast emerging into a global superpower that could rival, if not eclipse, the United States. What does China want, does it have a grand strategy to achieve it, and what should the United States do about it? In The Long Game, Rush Doshi draws from a rich base of Chinese primary sources, including decades worth of party documents, leaked materials, memoirs by party leaders, and a careful analysis of China's conduct to provide a history of China's grand strategy since the end of the Cold War. Taking readers behind the Party's closed doors, he uncovers Beijing's long, methodical game to displace America from its hegemonic position in both the East Asia regional and global orders through three sequential "strategies of displacement." Beginning in the 1980s, China focused for two decades on "hiding capabilities and biding time." After the 2008 Global Financial Crisis, it became more assertive regionally, following a policy of "actively accomplishing something." Finally, in the aftermath populist elections of 2016, China shifted to an even more aggressive strategy for undermining US hegemony, adopting the phrase "great changes unseen in century." After charting how China's long game has evolved, Doshi offers a comprehensive yet asymmetric plan for an effective US response. Ironically, his proposed approach takes a page from Beijing's own strategic playbook to undermine China's ambitions and strengthen American order without competing dollar-for-dollar, ship-for-ship, or loan-for-loan.
How will China use its increasing military capabilities in the future? China faces a complicated security environment with a wide range of internal and external threats. Rapidly expanding international interests are creating demands for the People's Liberation Army (PLA) to conduct new missions ranging from protecting Chinese shipping from Somali pirates to evacuating citizens from Libya. The most recent Chinese defense white paper states that the armed forces must "make serious preparations to cope with the most complex and difficult scenarios . . . so as to ensure proper responses . . . at any time and under any circumstances." Based on a conference co-sponsored by Taiwan's Council of Advanced Policy Studies, RAND, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, and National Defense University, The People's Liberation Army and Contingency Planning in China brings together leading experts from the United States and Taiwan to examine how the PLA prepares for a range of domestic, border, and maritime...