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Indian Ocean, third largest Ocean in the world surpasses the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. Being world’s most populated Region, one-third of the world’s bulk cargo and two-thirds of world’s oil ship tankers passes through the Indian Ocean. China’s interests in the Indian Ocean Region can be traced and backed by early 60’s. Ever since Beijing has been increasingly deepening its presence in the Indian Ocean Region for a variety of reasons, such as, oil, trade and security etc. Over 30 per cent of China’s seaborne trade worth about $ 300 billion transits across Indian Ocean Region. Sharing a quarter of the world’s population, China facing ever increasing demand for energy. China has little choice but to look beyond its borders for its energy requirements. Around 77 percent of its oil imports are sourced from West Asia and Africa and these are transporting through the Indian Ocean via Malacca Strait. Thus, China’s dependency on Indian Ocean Region continues to grow for energy imports from gulf and to import resources from Africa and trade with Europe. With China steadily spreading its footprints in the IOR with increasing military presence and with rapidly growing its navy being equipped with warships, destroyers and nuclear submarines through a strategy, called ‘String of Pearls’ which can encircle India in its convenient time in the near future. So, China has been emerging as biggest threat for India by analyzing its actions in the Indian Ocean Region and along with India-China border from Easter Ladakh to Arunachal Pradesh as stand-off continues since June 2020.
This edited volume critically examines the concept of the “security dilemma” and applies it to India–China maritime competition. Though frequently employed in academic discussion and popular commentary on the Sino-Indian relationship, the term has rarely been critically analysed. The volume addresses the gap by examining whether the security dilemma is a useful concept in explaining the naval and foreign policy strategies of India and China. China’s Belt and Road Initiative and its expansive engagement in the Indian Ocean Region have resulted in India significantly scaling up investment in its navy, adding ships, naval aircraft and submarines. This volume investigates how the rivalry is playing out in different sub-regions of the Indian Ocean, and the responses of other powers, notably the United States and prominent Southeast Asian states. Their reactions to the Sino-Indian rivalry are an underexplored topic and the chapters in this book reveal how they selectively use that rivalry while trying to steer clear of making definite choices. The book concludes with recommendations on mitigating the security dilemma. This work will be of great interest to students of strategic studies, international relations, maritime security, and Asian politics.
While the strategic dynamics in the IOR are complex and involve many powers there is little doubt that the “strategic triangle” involving the US, China and India is one of the key traditional security issues facing the IOR. Given Sri Lanka’s geopolitically significant location in the IOR this strategic triangle is bound to have an impact on its national interests and security. The central questions raised by this volume are the following: What are the prospects of competition and cooperation within the strategic triangle? What structure or pattern will the triangular relations assume? How can stability be maintained in the triangular relationship in the interest of peace in the IOR? and What would be the impact of this strategic triangle on a small country such as Sri Lanka situated in a geopolitically significant location in the IOR? The dynamics of the US-China-India strategic triangle in the IOR will be complicated, containing elements of both competition and cooperation. The research contained in the substantive chapters of this volume present a multiplicity of views on the possible patterns that the strategic triangle can assume. Based on Harry Harding’s typology of the strategic triangle in international affairs, these include: one mediating the conflict between the other two; two-against-one; and all-working-together. The multiplicity of patterns that the strategic triangle could assume indicate that there is likely to be considerable fluctuation in its structure. What is important in maintaining stability is that the competition is not allowed to become unmanageable, and the fostering of cooperation based on common interests. The US-China-India strategic triangle poses Sri Lanka as a country situated in a geopolitically significant location in the IOR with both challenges and opportunities. The most fundamental challenge is posed by the tendency of each of these three major powers to subordinate Sri Lanka to their grand strategic objectives and interaction with each other. The fundamental opportunity presented to Sri Lanka by the strategic triangle is that of using its geopolitical importance to each of these three major powers by virtue of its location in the IOR to its own advantage in a way that best serves its national interests.
This book provides a synoptic view of the Indian Ocean and maritime security in its contested waters. The volume highlights the competition between major Asian powers to control the Indian Ocean periphery; shows that cooperation amongst the major regional powers could abate the threat of the potential of conflict becoming global and inviting external intervention; and discusses India’s Look East policy and the deepening relation between India and ASEAN. It argues for the need for Indian Ocean states and particularly SAARC members of the Indian Ocean Rim Association to look afresh at their political and security issues and common interests. It also suggests measures for evolving a robust mechanism of maintaining the Indian Ocean as a sustainable zone of commerce, energy, security and peace rather than threat.
The book examines how since his appointment to China’s three top posts – simultaneously for the first time in 30 years – Xi Jinping has deftly used ideology and nationalism to accumulate power and ensure the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)’s legitimacy and monopoly on power. Xi Jinping has imposed progressively stricter domestic measures leading to the steady hardening and inflexibility of the Chinese state. It looks at the reforms in the Party, Government and Military and the unprecedentedly sustained and bruising drive against corruption in the People’s Liberation Army (PLA). In the process, Xi Jinping has eliminated political rivals and whittled down opposition to the most extensive and far reaching reforms the PLA has witnessed in its 90 years. Developments related to Tibet are especially analysed. The book analyses China’s ‘One Belt, One Road’ – now called the ‘Belt and Road Initiative’ – and the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor initiatives, intended to alter its strategic environment and expand power and influence well beyond its borders and up to Europe. It concludes that China will squeeze the strategic space of its neighbours. China’s rise and bid to establish itself as the dominant power in the Indo-Pacific, however, will not be uncontested. India, Japan and the USA’s response will be important.
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The Indian Ocean Region (IOR) is one of the most areas of the world in human terms. This study provides a comprehensive overview of the subregions and countries in the IOR, drawing heavily on a new country risk assessment model developed by Abdullah Toukan, a senior associate with the Burke Chair at CSIS. It provides detailed graphs, tables, and maps covering the IOR as a whole, each major subregion, and each of the thirty-two countries in the region as well as the impact of U.S. and Chinese military forces.
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The first book by a former Indian naval intelligence officer on Sino-India relations, India’s Maritime Strategy provides a unique insight into the Indian Navy, tracing its post-independence growth and discussing its transformation and future in the 21st century. In the context of the rise of China’s maritime power in the Indian Ocean, this book provides a nuanced view of the extent and scope of India’s maritime reach and the effect of this on Sino-Indian competition. Challenging the view that by developing a favourable environment alone, India could seek to maintain its balance of power with China, it is argued that despite durable bilateral security ties with most regional states, India’s maritime aspirations to be the primary net security provider for the region are unsustainable in the long term. This book presents a comprehensive coverage of India’s bilateral maritime security engagements with all the Indian Ocean regional states, as well as the US, France, UK and Russia. As such, it will be useful to students and scholars of Indian and South Asian politics, international relations and maritime security.