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Reckoning with Pinochet is the first comprehensive account of how Chile came to terms with General Augusto Pinochet’s legacy of human rights atrocities. An icon among Latin America’s “dirty war” dictators, Pinochet had ruled with extreme violence while building a loyal social base. Hero to some and criminal to others, the general cast a long shadow over Chile’s future. Steve J. Stern recounts the full history of Chile’s democratic reckoning, from the negotiations in 1989 to chart a post-dictatorship transition; through Pinochet’s arrest in London in 1998; the thirtieth anniversary, in 2003, of the coup that overthrew President Salvador Allende; and Pinochet’s death in 2006. He shows how transnational events and networks shaped Chile’s battles over memory, and how the Chilean case contributed to shifts in the world culture of human rights. Stern’s analysis integrates policymaking by elites, grassroots efforts by human rights victims and activists, and inside accounts of the truth commissions and courts where top-down and bottom-up initiatives met. Interpreting solemn presidential speeches, raucous street protests, interviews, journalism, humor, cinema, and other sources, he describes the slow, imperfect, but surprisingly forceful advance of efforts to revive democratic values through public memory struggles, despite the power still wielded by the military and a conservative social base including the investor class. Over time, resourceful civil-society activists and select state actors won hard-fought, if limited, gains. As a result, Chileans were able to face the unwelcome past more honestly, launch the world’s first truth commission to examine torture, ensnare high-level perpetrators in the web of criminal justice, and build a public culture of human rights. Stern provides an important conceptualization of collective memory in the wake of national trauma in this magisterial work of history.
Verdugo is a journalist whose father was tortured to death by the Pinochet regime. This is her account of the executions without trial of 75 political prisoners in five Chilean cities, carried out by a military team later called the "Caravan of Death" that was sent out following Pinochet's 1973 coup. Originally published in 1989 as Caso Arellano: los zarpazos del puma, the book is considered one of the key documents that led to Pinochet's arrest in London in 1998. This first English-language edition includes an epilogue describing Chile's high-profile judicial hearings on the killings, through Pinochet's January 2001 indictment for planning and covering them up. Annotation copyrighted by Book News, Inc., Portland, OR.
Tapestries of Hope, Threads of Love tells the story of ordinary women living in terror and extreme poverty under General Pinochet's oppressive rule in Chile (1973–1989). These women defied the military dictatorship by embroidering their sorrow on scraps of cloth, using needles and thread as one of the boldest means of popular protest and resistance in Latin America. The arpilleras they made—patchwork tapestries with scenes of everyday life and memorials to their disappeared relatives—were smuggled out of Chile and brought to the world the story of their fruitless searches in jails, morgues, government offices, and the tribunals of law for their husbands, brothers, and sons. Marjorie Agosín, herself a native of and exile from Chile, has spent more than thirty years interviewing the arpilleristas and following their work. She knows their stories intimately and knows, too, that none of them has ever found a disappeared relative alive. Even though the dictatorship ended in 1989 and democracy returned to Chile, no full account of the detained and disappeared has ever been offered. Still, many women maintain hope and continue to make arpilleras, both in memory and as art. This new edition of the book, updated for students, includes a reaction to the death of General Pinochet, a chronology of Chile, several new testimonies from arpilleristas in their own words, and an introduction by Peter Kornbluh. It retains a section of full-color plates of arpilleras, an afterword by Peter Winn, and a foreword by Isabel Allende. Students and interested readers will find the arpilleras beautiful, moving, and ultimately hopeful, and the testimonies a powerful way to learn about the history of contemporary Latin America and the arpillera movement in Chile.
In 1973 armed forces launched a violent attack against the Chilean presidential palace and Santiago's slums and shantytowns. For ten years, only the Catholic Church was able to defy the military regime. Then, in 1983, students, workers, and shantytown residents stormed the streets demanding the resignation of Augusto Pinochet. The protests raged for three years and, in 1989, democratic elections were held. The following year a new civilian government took office.Cathy Lisa Schneider examines this democratic transition from the bottom up, looking at the struggles of poor people to create and sustain organized resistance, to risk their lives to fight tyranny. Both an oral history based on over a hundred interviews collected in shantytowns and a comparative sociological study that explores political differences among different shantytowns in Santiago, this book analyzes the context in which the urban poor make choices about their lives, and the political histories that shape their vision. Author note: Cathy Lisa Schneider is Assistant Professor at the School for International Studies at American University.
This anthology reclaims the tragic date of September 11 as the anniversary of the US-backed coup in Chile in 1973 by General Augusto Pinochet against the popularly elected Allende government. The selection combines moving personal accounts with a political/historical overview of the coup’s significance, featuring Ariel Dorfman's poignant essay, “The last September 11” and President Allende's last radio broadcast.
Authoritarian repression is understood as a means to eliminate dissent. Yet most dictators also require some popular support to survive. How does the need to maintain supporters influence repression? This dissertation argues that repression can serve to appeal to supporters, by signaling to a regime's backing coalition that authoritarian control is uniquely capable of managing political and social threats to the state. The three chapters bring to bear new findings on a variety of repressive methods used during Augusto Pinochet's dictatorship in Chile (1973-1989). Chapter 2 demonstrates how the need for support shapes patterns of political killings. Chile's military justified a coup on the basis of a communist threat that was, in fact, exaggerated. Original data on 3,000 victims, along with qualitative evidence, show that killings targeted suspicious individuals in otherwise high-support areas to demonstrate that a communist threat existed and the military was uniquely capable of managing it. Chapter 3 shows how supporters can constrain violence: the more prominent the opposition leader, the more likely their death or detention will mobilize opposition and alienate supporters. New data on the repression of candidates for national office shows that election -- by increasing visibility -- constrained violent repression. The regime instead substituted it with exile. Chapter 4 demonstrates that dictators can use even seemingly punitive policies to reward supporters. Text analysis of all 8,000 movies reviewed for distribution during the dictatorship shows bans largely targeted immoral content, rather than political themes. Qualitative and quantitative evidence link this to the regime's need to appeal to conservative groups. Findings provide new insight into how dictators balance security and popular support.
Essay from the year 2009 in the subject Politics - Region: Middle and South America, grade: 2,0, University of Applied Sciences Düsseldorf, course: Business English, language: English, abstract: For a long time, Latin America stagnated in economic growth. Especially in the 1980s, most countries were totalitarian dictatorships, where the economies lacked in openness and liberalisation. Most of the companies were state-owned and international business was impossible due to high restrictions. The residents were suppressed in their human rights by military forces, suffered from high poverty rates and bad living conditions whereas the leaders continued enriching themselves. In Chile, when Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces Augusto Pinochet took over power by his coup d’état in 1973, a lot of people were tortured and killed by the fascist regime until the end of the dictatorship in 1990. Society was split in two halves: On the one hand the tortured opposition, on the other hand the torturers loyally serving the government. This caused a worldwide discussion on human rights and the necessity of an adequate punishment for the ex-dictator. As a consequence, it is important to analyse closely the circumstances that led to the brutal coup, the period of the dictatorship itself, the consequences for the society, the influence on literature and media as well as the discussion on Pinochet’s conviction in order to fully understand the situation of the Chilean citizens today.
"When the army comes out, it is to kill."—Augusto Pinochet Following his bloody September 1973 coup d'état that overthrew President Salvador Allende, Augusto Pinochet, commander-in-chief of the Chilean Armed Forces and National Police, became head of a military junta that would rule Chile for the next seventeen years. The violent repression used by the Pinochet regime to maintain power and transform the country's political profile and economic system has received less attention than the Argentine military dictatorship, even though the Pinochet regime endured twice as long. In this primary study of Chile Under Pinochet, Mark Ensalaco maintains that Pinochet was complicit in the "enforced disappearance" of thousands of Chileans and an unknown number of foreign nationals. Ensalaco spent five years in Chile investigating the impact of Pinochet's rule and interviewing members of the truth commission created to investigate the human rights violations under Pinochet. The political objective of human rights organizations, Ensalaco contends, is to bring sufficient pressure to bear on violent regimes to induce them to end policies of repression. However, these efforts are severely limited by the disparities of power between human rights organizations and regimes intent on ruthlessly eliminating dissent.
Following periods of mass atrocity and oppression, states are faced with a question of critical importance in the transition to democracy: how to offer redress to victims of the old regime without perpetuating cycles of revenge. Traditionally, balance has been restored through arrests, trials, and punishment, but in the last three decades, more than twenty countries have opted to have a truth commission investigate the crimes of the prior regime and publish a report about the investigation, often incorporating accounts from victims. Although many praise the work of truth commissions for empowering and healing through words rather than violence, some condemn the practice as a poor substitute for traditional justice, achieved through trials and punishment. There has been until now little analysis of the unarticulated claim that underlies the truth commissions' very existence: that language—in this case narrative stories—can substitute for violence. Acknowledging revenge as a real and deep human need, Shattered Voices explores the benefits and problems inherent when a fragile country seeks to heal its victims without risking its own future. In developing a theory about the role of language in retribution, Teresa Godwin Phelps takes an interdisciplinary approach, delving into sources from Greek tragedy to Hamlet, from Kant to contemporary theories about retribution, from the Babylonian law codes to the South African Truth and Reconciliation Report. She argues that, given the historical and psychological evidence about revenge, starting afresh by drawing a bright line between past crimes and a new government is both unrealistic and unwise. When grievous harm happens, a rebalancing is bound to occur, whether it is orderly and lawful or disorderly and unlawful. Shattered Voices contends that language is requisite to any adequate balancing, and that a solution is viable only if it provides an atmosphere in which storytelling and subsequent dialogue can flourish. In the developing culture of ubiquitous truth reports, Phelps argues that we must become attentive to the form these reports take—the narrative structure, the use of victims' stories, and the way a political message is conveyed to the citizens of the emerging democracy. By looking concretely at the work and responsibilities of truth commissions, Shattered Voices offers an important and thoughtful analysis of the efficacy of the ways human rights abuses are addressed.