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Contains primary source material.
Chile Since Independence brings together four chapters from Volumes III, V and VIII of The Cambridge History of Latin America to provide in a single volume an economic, social, and political history of Chile since independence. Each chapter is accompanied by a bibliographical essay.
From virtually the onset of its independence in the early nineteenth century, Chile took a superior attitude toward its racially mixed and less organized neighbors. This stance was not unlike that of another young republic in the hemisphere: the United States. With their relatively stable governments and prosperous economies, the two countries claimed amoral right to impose their will on nearby nations. Given this shared imperial impulse, it is not surprising that they became rivals. In Chile and the United States, the third volume to appear in the series The United States and the Americas, William F. Sater traces the often stormy course of U.S.-Chilean relations, covering not only policy decisions but also the overall political, cultural, and economic developments that formed the context in which those policies unfolded. As Sater explains, the Chileans initially believed that they could triumph in the event of a clash with the Americans because of their superior moral commitment and willingness to endure sacrifice. Unintimidated by the size of the United States, Chile found its sense of mission bolstered by the American government's inconsistent enforcement of the Monroe Doctrine and grudging acceptance of Chilean dominance over Peru and Bolivia. Yet, Sater shows, by the end of the nineteenth century Chile had to face reality: its organizational skills could no longer compensate for a limited population and resource base. Worse, just as both the United States and Chile's neighbor Argentina became wealthier and more populous, Chile sank into a political morass that paralyzed its ability to govern itself. Once the premier power of the Pacific, it fell to second-rate status--a fact that nevertheless did little to mitigate the Chileans' sense of cultural superiority. In the early twentieth century, Sater notes, Chile scored several economic and diplomatic victories over the United States and, after World War II, resorted to various new doctrines and strategies in hopes of regaining its lost glory. When the efforts of strongmen failed, Chileans turned to Christian Democracy, Socialism, and finally military rule--none of which succeeded in restoring the country's political unity and self-esteem. Yet, Sater contends, rather than accept that geopolitical and economic realities had limited their nation's place in the world, Chileans blamed the United States for whatever ills befell them, even as they continued to expect American aid. For its part, the United States insisted that Chile accept its counsel in order to receive U.S. economic assistance. This frustrating standoff, Sater shows, is but the latest phase of a contentious relationship, nearly two centuries in the making, that shows no ready signs of disappearing.
This accessible chapter book, ideal for students and general readers alike, examines the political, social, and cultural history of Chile. Updated and revised from its 2003 edition, The History of Chile serves as a foundational text for those studying and interested in learning about this South American nation. Eleven chronologically-arranged chapters will guide readers through Chilean history, from prehistory to present day. Chapters examine topics such as the origins of Chileans, Chile's period as a Spanish colony, Augusto Pinochet's rule, the country's transition to democracy, and today's challenges in 2018–2019. A timeline, glossary, and appendix of Notable Individuals in the History of Chile round out the text. Written for high school and undergraduate students, but accessible to general readers as well, this volume examines Chile's history through the lenses of politics, economics, and culture and society. Readers will gain a better understanding of how Chile has modernized its economy and is incorporating immigrants.
James Lockhart blends Chilean, inter-American and transatlantic national, regional and world-historical trends into a century-long Cold War narrative. He argues that Chileans made their own history as highly engaged internationalists while reassessing American and other foreign-directed intelligence, surveillance and secret warfare operations in Chile and southern South America. The book transcends a well-known, US-centred historiography while offering a more equitable and global interpretation of Chile's Cold War experience than previously possible. This advances research that has progressively expanded the framework of Chile's Cold War experience since the arrest of General Augusto Pinochet in the UK for human rights violations more than 20 years ago.
Demonstrates how activists worked together during the post-war decades to transform public attitudes towards violations of human rights.
Nineteenth-century Chile was an exceptional phenomenon in Latin America: Constitutional procedures were observed, the army remained in its barracks, and development proceeded at a perceptible pace, even to contemporary observers. This book examines the enormous contribution British merchants made toward Chilean prosperity and stability during this period. The prospect of trade initially brought the British to Chile in the early 1800s. Great Britain soon provided the largest markets for Chilean produce, and British factories produced the largest share of Chile’s manufactured imports. British merchants organized the trade and provided services and expertise wherever needed. John Mayo documents the economic aspects of the British presence in Chile, but he also surveys the social, diplomatic, and political relations between the two countries. What emerges is a picture of a mutually profitable partnership based on the simplest of all motives—self-interest.
The continued growth of the Latin American economy is documented in this account of the economic and social consequences of its integration as a primary producer in the expanding international economy.
In this informative and highly readable book, first published in 1988, Charles Andrain explores the ways in which public policies and socio-political beliefs and structures cause political change in the Third World. The author examines 3 types of political change: (1) transitions in political leaders and their policies, (2) fundamental transformations in political structures, policy priorities, and political strategies for dealing with policy issues; and (3) the impact of economic, education, and health care policies on the society itself (including changes in unemployment, inflation, economic growth, literacy and birth and death rates). In the first part of the book, Professor Andrain presents a general overview of political change in the Third World, explaining how different models of political systems explain the dynamics of political events in Latin America, Asia, Africa and the Middle East. In the second part of the book, he then applies these models to specific changes in five developing nations: Vietnam, Cuba, Chile, Nigeria and Iran. The book is unique in its careful blending of a policy focus with a structural analysis of nation states, domestic social groups, and international institutions in the often turbulent regions of the developing world. It thus provides a very useful systematic approach to political developments in the Third World that will be welcomed by students, faculty and general readers.
SOCIAL IMPACT OF ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUES. Humanity in the twenty-first century is facing what might be described as its ultimate environmental catastrophe: the destruction of the climate that has nurtured human civilization and with it the basis of life on earth as we know it. All ecosystems on the planet are now in decline. Enormous rifts have been driven through the delicate fabric of the biosphere. The economy and the earth are headed for a fateful collision--if we don't alter course. Environmental sociologists John Bellamy Foster, Brett Clark, and Richard York argue that the source of our ecological crisis lies in the paradox of wealth in capitalist society, which expands individual riches at the expense of public wealth, including the wealth of nature. In the process, a huge ecological rift is driven between human beings and nature, undermining the conditions of sustainable existence.