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Since the troubles began in the late 1960s, people in Northern Ireland have been working together to bring about a peaceful end to the conflict. Building Peace in Northern Irelandexamines the different forms of peace and reconciliation work that have taken place. Maria Power has brought together an international group of scholars to examine initiatives such as integrated education, faith-based peace building, cross-border cooperation, and women's activism, as well as the impact that government policy and European funding have had upon the development of peace and reconciliation organizations.
Political accommodation in Northern Ireland, Israel and South Africa at the macro level may not, by itself, be sufficient to achieve the long-term goals of building peace and reconciliation. This book uses Lederach's peace-building model to explore issues which may provide a basis for transformation and a lasting peace in the three countries.
Hume recounts the struggle for the nationalist community's rights and presents a blueprint for peace.
This provides an introduction to the politics and recent history of Northern Ireland. It probes the underlying realities of war and peace to address such key issues as: Why did 'the troubles' erupt in the late 1960s and why did the intercommunal violence escalate and continue so long?; Why did the first 'peace process' in 1972-74 fail and why has the current one, despite frequent crises, make more progress?; Why did the Irish government lobby against a British withdrawal in the 1970s?; Why did the government of Margaret Thatcher, a unionist and hardliner on security, sign the Anglo-Irish Agreement in 1985 and engage in secret contacts with the IRA?; Has British security policy been biased against the nationalist community?; Is a united Ireland likely or inevitable? It is crucial to understand the interplay of the 'physical' struggle with the accompanying ideological 'propaganda war' in Northern Ireland. The 'demonisation' of enemies in the propaganda conflict resulted in a growing discrepancy between the publics rhetoric of politicians and underlying, and sometimes privately acknowledged, 'realities'. A growing realisation among each of the rival parties, governments and paramilitary groups, of their limited power to achieve their goals laid a basis for a search for common ground. A consequence of this has been the need for them to de-escalate the propaganda war and educate their respective constituencies of the need to make hard compromises. This book's account of the 'peace process' since 1994 systematically assesses their attempt to do so, revealing both the constraints and the opportunities in their attempts to build a stable peaceful settlement. -- Publisher description
First published in 1997, this volume responded to the peace process of the 1980s and 1990s between Great Britain and Northern Ireland, emerging just prior to the 1998 Good Friday Agreement. It constituted one of the first major academic examinations of the attempts to bring peace to Northern Ireland in the 1990’s, and explores the historical origins of the process, before moving towards a critical account of the role of political parties in the development of the peace process. Critics have argued equally that the process was a sham, tactically repositioning Irish republicanism, and that it provided a framework for reconciliation or even conflict resolution. This book outlines the political changes which allowed the peace process to develop, along with analysing specific themes divided into three broad sections: the general aims of the peace process, the political perspectives and the issues under discussion. Aiming to promote discussion, these contributors explore the origins and function of the peace process, followed by an analysis of political perspectives including the Unionists, the SDLP and Irish Republicanism. Finally, they consider key issues of interest for the peace process, including the ever-present border debate, security strategies, education, and economics, whilst Rachel Ward makes the case for the skilled contributions of women available to formal politics.
"When the Good Friday Agreement was signed in 1998, those involved believed they had brought about peace in Northern Ireland. In 2007, the Democratic Unionists and Sinn Fein entered government together. Although the British and Irish governments believed the Peace Process was complete, this essay shows that peace-building work is still needed to heal the sectarian divisions withon society"--Back cover.
Thompson examines the U.S. role--both governmental and that of Irish-Americans--in attempting to bring a resolution to the strife in Northern Ireland. He concentrates on the efforts since 1967, particularly the growth of American efforts to become the central humanitarian player in the peace process. The U.S. government stance was initially one of strict non-involvement. However, in the aftermath of Vietnam and Watergate, diminished White House authority encouraged Irish-American groups to challenge the traditional Irish policy. Movement away from strict non-involvement began with Congressional concern for the rising specter of Irish-American anger at the treatment of northern Irish Catholics. An important transition to humanitarian policy occurred during the Reagan Administration. Contributing factors that helped the U.S. government take a new direction in foreign policy were America's failure to respond to the escalation of Northern Ireland violence, a strong personal ethnic tie between the U.S. President and Speaker of the House O'Neill, a personal link between President Reagan and Prime Minister Thatcher, and intense lobbying by Irish-Americans and the Irish government. After a brief period of silent diplomacy during the Bush administration, the Clinton administration succeeded in a public blitz to endorse steps necessary to bring peace closer.
This book incorporates recent research that emphasizes the need for civil society and a grassroots approach to peacebuilding while taking into account a variety of perspectives, including neoconservatism and revolutionary analysis. The contributions, which include the reflections of those involved in the negotiation and implementation of the Good Friday Agreement, also provide policy prescriptions for modern conflicts.