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This title was first published in 2001. This thought-provoking book examines the repercussions of British immigration policy under the Conservative government for individuals from the developing countries using primary empirical data. It is a well-informed, balanced and empirically sophisticated study, which is suitable for courses on politics, ethnic studies and law.
In this contentious and ground-breaking study, the author draws on extensive archival research to provide a new account of the transforamtion of the United Kingdom into a multicultural society through an analysis of the evolution of immigration and citizenship policy since 1945. Against the prevailing academic orthodoxy, he argues that British immigration policy was not racist but both rational and liberal. - ;In this ground-breaking book, the author draws extensively on archival material and theortical advances in the social science literature. Citizenship and Immigration in Post-war Britain examines the transformation since 1945 of the UK from a homogeneous into a multicultural society. Rejecting a dominant strain of sociological and historical inquiry emphasizing state racism, Hansen argues that politicians and civil servants were overall liberal relative to the public, to which they owed their office, and that they pursued policies that were rational for any liberal democratic politician. He explains the trajectory of British migration and nationality policy - its exceptional liberality in the 1950s, its restrictiveness after then, and its tortured and seemingly racist definition of citizenship. The combined effect of a 1948 imperial definition of citizenship (adopted independently of immigration), and a primary commitment to migration from the Old Dominions, locked British politicians into a series of policy choices resulting in a migration and nationality regime that was not racist in intention, but was racist in effect. In the context of a liberal elite and an illiberal public, Britain's current restrictive migration policies result not from the faling of its policy-makers but from those of its institutions. -
This book explains the development of the Conservative Party’s immigration policy during the seven decades since 1945, up to today. By bringing together existing theories from the fields of political science and migration studies, this book offers a new model of party policy-making, which could be modified and tested in other contexts. Grounded in rigorous scholarship, but of interest to general readers as well as specialists and students, this book provides a thoughtful and engaging account of the making of modern Britain. The book draws on 30 interviews with figures who were at the heart of policy-making, from Kenneth Clarke and Douglas Hurd, to Damian Green and Gavin Barwell, to reveal that the ‘national mood’ often has more impact on policy-making than the empirics of the situation. This book will be of key interest to scholars, students and readers interested in British politics; immigration and migration studies; Conservative Party politics; and, more broadly, public policy, political parties and European and comparative politics.
Tavistock Press was established as a co-operative venture between the Tavistock Institute and Routledge & Kegan Paul (RKP) in the 1950s to produce a series of major contributions across the social sciences. This volume is part of a 2001 reissue of a selection of those important works which have since gone out of print, or are difficult to locate. Published by Routledge, 112 volumes in total are being brought together under the name The International Behavioural and Social Sciences Library: Classics from the Tavistock Press. Reproduced here in facsimile, this volume was originally published in 1977 and is available individually. The collection is also available in a number of themed mini-sets of between 5 and 13 volumes, or as a complete collection.
Kathleen Paul challenges the usual explanation for the racism of post-war British policy. According to standard historiography, British public opinion forced the Conservative government to introduce legislation stemming the flow of dark-skinned immigrants and thereby altering an expansive nationality policy that had previously allowed all British subjects free entry into the United Kingdom. Paul's extensive archival research shows, however, that the racism of ministers and senior functionaries led rather than followed public opinion. In the late 1940s, the Labour government faced a birthrate perceived to be in decline, massive economic dislocations caused by the war, a huge national debt, severe labor shortages, and the prospective loss of international preeminence. Simultaneously, it subsidized the emigration of Britons to Australia, Canada, and other parts of the Empire, recruited Irish citizens and European refugees to work in Britain, and used regulatory changes to dissuade British subjects of color from coming to the United Kingdom. Paul contends post-war concepts of citizenship were based on a contradiction between the formal definition of who had the right to enter Britain and the informal notion of who was, or could become, really British. Whitewashing Britain extends this analysis to contemporary issues, such as the fierce engagement in the Falklands War and the curtailment of citizenship options for residents of Hong Kong. Paul finds the politics of citizenship in contemporary Britain still haunted by a mixture of imperial, economic, and demographic imperatives.
This document sets out the Governments proposals for a new points-based approach to managing the flow of migrants coming to the UK to work or study. Whilst it is generally agreed that migration makes a substantial contribution to economic growth, fills gaps in the labour market, and increases investment, innovation and entrepreneurship, and enriches cultural diversity, it needs to be managed. The Government proposes a five-tier framework, to help people understand how the system works and to direct applicants to the category that is most appropriate for them. The tiers are: (1) highly skilled individuals to contribute to growth and productivity; (2) skilled workers with a job offer to fill gaps in the UK labour force; (3) limited numbers of low skilled workers needed to fill specific temporary labour shortages; (4) students; (5) youth mobility and temporary workers, people allowed to work in the UK for a limited period of time to satisfy primarily non-economic objectives. For each tier applicants will need sufficient points to obtain entry clearance or leave to remain in the UK. Points will be awarded according to objective and transparent criteria, giving a structured decision-making process. Applicants in tiers 2 to 5 will need a certificate of sponsorship. The Government aims for a system that better identifies and attracts migrants who have most to offer the UK; is more efficient, transparent and objective; and that improves compliance and reduces the scope for abuse.
Report on the criteria and wider issues of UK government policy of immigration, together with recommendations concerning citizenship and social integration of immigrants - comments on the evolution of relevant legislation, and covers discrimination, including racial discrimination, race relations, legal status, etc. Statistical tables.
As key points in recent British history, immigration and associated issues of race and racism have been at the heart of political debate, generating controversy among people from different backgrounds and perspectives. In the 1990s, the process of European integration is adding an extra dimension to debate, as major policy questions are increasingly addressed at European level. -- Back cover.