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Anglo-German relations since 1945 have been generally cordial but subject to bouts of acute tension. This volume by leading historians from both countries examines major political issues and broader contacts between the two societies. It suggests that British perceptions have remained coloured by fears of German dominance, aggravated by the success of the Federal Republic and the relative decline of Britain in the post-war period.
By utilising the latest research, readers will be given a complete picture of the way Britain fought the Cold War, moving the focus away from the now familiar crises of Suez and Cuba and onto the themes that underpinned the British war strategy. Intelligence, civil defence and nuclear diplomacy are all examined within the context of modern British history at a time of national decline. There is a growing interest in the contexts of the Cold War and this collection will establish itself as the leading volume on the UK's wartime strategy.
A new interpretation of the British government's policy towards Germany in the years immediately after 1945, and a reassessment of the part this policy played in the development of the Cold War.
This book examines Britain and Norway in Europe from 1945 through to the former's departure from the European Union in 2020. It compares their European relations and investigates their bilateral relationship within the contexts of security, trade and, above all, European integration. Britain and Norway are outsiders in Europe, and they have both been sceptical of the continental federalist approach to European integration. The question of membership itself has been highly controversial in both countries: the public has been divided on the issue; it has plagued political parties and governments; and prime ministers have resigned over European issues. This book explores why these countries have struggled so deeply with the idea of Europe since 1945, and looks ahead to how the relationship between Britain and Norway might develop after Brexit.
Covering issues such as the legacy of the World Wars, the female voter, propaganda, occupied lands, the judiciary, public opinion and resistance, this volume furthers the debate on how Nazi Germany operated. Gone are the post-war stereotypes--instead there is a more complex picture of the regime and its actions, one that shows the instability of the dictatorship, its dependence on a measure of consent as well as coercion.
Based on new and existing archival documentation, this book provides a detailed analysis of the British attitude to Bonn's Eastern and inner-German policies during the period of détente and the CSCE. Each chapter analyses the evolution of British policy on a particular issue area, making detailed comparisons of British and West German archival sources and outlining the main aspects of the British view of West Germany's relations with the Soviet bloc states and the German Democratic Republic. Drawing upon the archives of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and of the West German foreign ministry, this book sheds new light on some of the more occult aspects of the British attitude to the German question and reveals the problems faced by British decision-makers in seeking to maintain Britain's close ties with Bonn, while being hardly enthusiastic about the long-term prospect of German reunification. This volume addresses issues of East-West and Anglo-German relations, the role of NATO, and the debate among the Western allies on relations between the two German states during the period of détente.
Eclipsed by the scope of the Atlantic economy, obscured by Anglo-German rivalry, and nearly destroyed by the post-1945 division of Europe, the flow of goods across East Central Europe has been, nonetheless, an immensely significant pattern of European economic exchange. For Germany, the Osthandel (Eastern trade) was both a blessing and a curse; its bounty provided much of the raw material for the rise of German economic and political power in Europe, while its lure tantalized German ambitions to the point of madness. Despite the enduring importance of this commerce, no monograph has yet made this pattern of trade the centerpiece of its treatment of German-East European relations. This study puts this important pattern of German-East European trade into the center of discussion and views an extended period of German foreign policy toward Eastern Europe through this lens.
During the Cold War, Britain had an astonishing number of contacts and connections with one of the Soviet Bloc's most hard-line regimes: the German Democratic Republic. The left wing of the British Labour Party and the Trade Unions often had closer ties with communist East Germany than the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB). There were strong connections between the East German and British churches, women's movements, and peace movements; influential conservative politicians and the Communist leadership in the GDR had working relationships; and lucrative contracts existed between business leaders in Britain and their counterparts in East Germany. Based on their extensive knowledge of the documentary sources, the authors provide the first comprehensive study of Anglo-East German relations in this surprisingly under-researched field. They examine the complex motivations underlying different political groups' engagement with the GDR, and offer new and interesting insights into British political culture during the Cold War.
NJR - BLURB IN RAW FORM The second British application to join the European Communities (EC) was made during Harold Wilson's second Labour government. It ended in failure with French President Charles de Gaulle's veto in November 1967. This book traces the development of Britain's policy towards the EC from the veto to the end of Wilson's government in June 1970. It is based upon recently released British archival resources, and begins with the puzzle of how it was possible for Edward Heath's Conservative government to open negotiations for membership just twelve days after taking office. The book suggests that Wilson's earlier diplomacy was vital for the Conservatives' successful negotiation of British entry by 1973. Despite the 1967 veto, the Wilson government continued to focus on Western Europe, to the diminution of previously important relationships with the United States, the Commonwealth and the European Free Trade Association. The book is focused on Wilson, and examines his personal role in European policy, demonstrating his control over the application, his management of cabinet, and his efforts to win over key European allies. It suggests that a key enabling factor for the pursuit of accession was the complacency of most ministers - with the exception of key foreign office ministers. On the continent, British diplomacy was crucial in creating an environment conducive to the eventual lifting of the French veto and success of the British application. It first facilitated meaningful collaboration with some EC member-states. Second, it prevented harmful developments in the Communities that might otherwise have made British accession more difficult. Wilson was crucially important to this policy and personally strove to ensure its success. Labour's defeat at the 1970 general election meant that the policy was carried to fruition by Heath and the Conservatives, but Wilson's efforts paved the way to eventual British membership.
This is the second volume in Philip Bell's study of Franco-British relations in the twentieth century It covers the period from the Fall of France in 1940 to the opening of the Channel Tunnel. Philip Bell views the half-century as a long separation - with France committed early on to a new concept of Europe, in partnership with Germany, whilst Britain stood apart. The tensions and resentments it has generated have kept French/British relations at the very heart of the burning question of Britain's place in Europe. Yet the story has another side, to which Philip Bell also does justice. Much has been achieved by the two countries together and alongside their European partners. For all their divergencies and antagonisms, the French and British know and understand each other better today than at any other time in their modern histories and all these developments are fully explored in Philip Bell's engrossing and often amusing, account.