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Tussen 1899 en 1902 woedde in Zuid-Afrika een oorlog tussen de Boerenrepublieken en het Britse Rijk. Veel Nederlanders steunden in die tijd de Boeren. Dit uitte zich in een vloedgolf aan propagandamateriaal om een tegenwicht te bieden aan de Britse berichtgeving over de oorlog. Dit boek bevat een grondige analyse van de Nederlandse pro-Boeren-beweging vanaf haar begin in de jaren 1880. Kuitenbrouwer gaat in op de organisaties die de banden tussen Nederland en Zuid-Afrika trachtten aan te halen en zo belangrijke knooppunten werden in een internationaal netwerk. Aan de hand van bronnenmateriaal toont de auteur aan dat de propagandacampagne voor de Boeren nog lang nagalmde in de twintigste eeuw.0.
These papers address aspects of the contentious intellectual and policy debate about the revival and revitalisation of Africa's political, economic and cultural situation - the so-called African Renaissance. The work considers the ideological antecedents of the concept of the African Renaissance; the African Renaissance as an imperative for survival; and how President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa and the ANC use the notion. The contributors discuss the ethical ramifications of globalisation; whether neo-liberalism can be considered a stable base for the African Renaissance; and the likelihood of genuine progress when there are many indicators that neo-liberalism is unleashing a kind of global apartheid. On this judgement, they draw parallels with the apartheid era in South Africa, and envisage a similar struggle for change. The contributors are five scholars including the Russian, Vladimir Shubin, and the book's editor Eddie Maloka.
The Anglo-Boer War (1899-1902) is one of the most intriguing conflicts of modern history. It has been labeled many things: the first media war, a precursor of the First and Second World Wars, the originator of apartheid. The difference in status and resources between the superpower Great Britain and two insignificant Boer republics in southern Africa was enormous. But, against all expectation, it took the British every effort and a huge sum of money to win the war, not least by unleashing a campaign of systematic terror against the civilian population. In The Boer War, winner of the Netherland's 2013 Libris History Prize and shortlisted for the 2013 AKO Literature Prize, the author brings a completely new perspective to this chapter of South African history, critically examining the involvement of the Netherlands in the war. Furthermore, unlike other accounts, Martin Bossenbroek explores the war primarily through the experiences of three men uniquely active during the bloody conflict. They are Willem Leyds, the Dutch lawyer who was to become South African Republic state secretary and eventual European envoy; Winston Churchill, then a British war reporter; and Deneys Reitz, a young Boer commando. The vivid and engaging experiences of these three men enable a more personal and nuanced story of the war to be told, and at the same time offer a fresh approach to a conflict that shaped the nation state of South Africa.
An examination of the impact of ideas of race and gender on late Victorian imperialism.
The British empire was a huge enterprise. To foreigners it more or less defined Britain in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Its repercussions in the wider world are still with us today. It also had a great impact on Britain herself: for example, on her economy, security, population, and eating habits. One might expect this to have been reflected in her society and culture. Indeed, this has now become the conventional wisdom: that Britain was steeped in imperialism domestically, which affected (or infected) almost everything Britons thought, felt, and did. This is the first book to examine this assumption critically against the broader background of contemporary British society. Bernard Porter, a leading imperial historian, argues that the empire had a far lower profile in Britain than it did abroad. Many Britons could hardly have been aware of it for most of the nineteenth century and only a small number was in any way committed to it. Between these extremes opinions differed widely over what was even meant by the empire. This depended largely on class, and even when people were aware of the empire, it had no appreciable impact on their thinking about anything else. Indeed, the influence far more often went the other way, with perceptions of the empire being affected (or distorted) by more powerful domestic discourses. Although Britain was an imperial nation in this period, she was never a genuine imperial society. As well as showing how this was possible, Porter also discusses the implications of this attitude for Britain and her empire, and for the relationship between culture and imperialism more generally, bringing his study up to date by including the case of the present-day USA.
It has been said that the British Empire, on which the sun never set, meant little to the man in the street. Apart from the jingoist eruptions at the death of Gordon or the relief of Mafeking he remained stonily indifferent to the imperial destiny that beckoned his rulers so alluringly. Strange, then that for three-quarters of a century it was scarcely possible to buy a bar of soap or a tin of biscuits without being reminded of the idea of Empire. Packaging, postcards, music hall, cinema, boy's stories and school books, exhibitions and parades, all conveyed the message that Empire was an adventure and an ennobling responsibility. Army and navy were a sure shield for the mother country and the subject peoples alike. Boys' brigades and Scouts stiffened the backbone of youth who flocked to join. In this illuminating study John M. Mackenzie explores the manifestations of the imperial idea, from the trappings of royalty through writers like G. A. Henty to the humble cigarette card. He shows that it was so powerful and pervasive that it outlived the passing of Empire itself and, as events such as the Falklands 'adventure' showed, the embers continue to smoulder.