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As the largest and one of the most influential countries in Latin America, Brazil has emerged as a leading voice for developing countries in setting regional and multilateral trade agendas. The United States and Brazil have cultivated a constructive relationship in pursuit of their respective efforts to promote trade liberalization, including attempting to broker a compromise with the European Union in the World Trade Organization (WTO) Doha Round and forming bilateral working groups on trade (and other) issues. Still, they approach trade policy quite differently, are at odds over how to proceed regionally with the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), and share concerns over specific trade policies and practices. Brazil's trade strategy can be explained only in part by economic incentives. Its "trade preferences" also reflect deeply embedded macroeconomic, industrial, and foreign policies. Whereas U.S. trade strategy emphasizes the negotiation of comprehensive trade agreements on multiple fronts, Brazil is focused primarily on market access issues as they pertain to its economic dominance in South America. Brazil exercises this priority in all trade arenas, such as pursuing changes to agricultural policies in the WTO, expanding the Southern Common Market (Mercosul) in South America, and resisting the FTAA for lack of a balance conducive to Brazilian interests. Brazil has a modern, diversified economy in which services account for 53% of GDP, followed by industry and manufacturing at 37%, and agriculture at 9%. Agribusiness (commodity and processed goods) account for some 30% of GDP, explaining Brazil's emphasis on agricultural policies in trade negotiations. Brazil is the world's largest producer of sugar cane, oranges, and coffee, and the second largest of soybean, beef, poultry, and corn. It is also a major producer of steel, aircraft, automobiles, and auto parts, yet surprisingly, a relatively small trader by world standards. The United States is Brazil's largest single-country trading partner. Brazil is critical of U.S. trade policies such as the Byrd Amendment (repealed, but program in effect until October 1, 2007), which directs duties from trade remedy cases to affected industries, the administration of trade remedy rules, and what it considers to be discriminatory treatment in the U.S. expansion of free trade agreements in Latin America. It also objects to product-specific barriers such as tariff rate quotas on sugar, orange juice, ethanol, and tobacco; subsidies for cotton, ethanol, and soybeans; and prolonged anti-dumping orders on steel and orange juice. U.S. concerns focus on Brazil's comparatively high tariff structure, especially on industrial goods, Mercosul's common external tariff program, and Brazil's refusal to address issues of critical importance to the United States such as services trade, intellectual property rights, government procurement, and investment. Despite these differences, both countries recognize the potential for important gains to be had from mutually acceptable trade liberalization at all levels. As a developing country with an opportunity for considerable growth in both exports and imports, however, Brazil may have the most to gain from addressing both foreign barriers to its trade, and unilaterally opening its economy further.
As the largest and one of the most influential countries in Latin America, Brazil has emerged as a leading voice for developing countries in setting regional and multilateral trade agendas. The United States and Brazil have cultivated a constructive relationship in pursuit of their respective efforts to promote trade liberalization, including attempting to broker a compromise with the European Union in the World Trade Organization (WTO) Doha Round and forming bilateral working groups on trade (and other) issues. Still, they approach trade policy quite differently, are at odds over how to proceed regionally with the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), and share concerns over specific trade policies and practices. Brazil's trade strategy can be explained only in part by economic incentives. Its "trade preferences" also reflect deeply embedded macroeconomic, industrial, and foreign policies. Whereas U.S. trade strategy emphasizes the negotiation of comprehensive trade agreements on multiple fronts, Brazil is focused primarily on market access issues as they pertain to its economic dominance in South America. Brazil exercises this priority in all trade arenas, such as pursuing changes to agricultural policies in the WTO, expanding the Southern Common Market (Mercosul) in South America, and resisting the FTAA for lack of a balance conducive to Brazilian interests. Brazil has a modern, diversified economy in which services account for 53% of GDP, followed by industry and manufacturing at 37%, and agriculture at 9%. Agribusiness (commodity and processed goods) account for some 30% of GDP, explaining Brazil's emphasis on agricultural policies in trade negotiations. Brazil is the world's largest producer of sugar cane, oranges, and coffee, and the second largest of soybean, beef, poultry, and corn. It is also a major producer of steel, aircraft, automobiles, and auto parts, yet surprisingly, a relatively small trader by world standards. The United States is Brazil's largest single-country trading partner. Brazil is critical of U.S. trade policies such as the Byrd Amendment (repealed, but program in effect until October 1, 2007), which directs duties from trade remedy cases to affected industries, the administration of trade remedy rules, and what it considers to be discriminatory treatment in the U.S. expansion of free trade agreements in Latin America. It also objects to product-specific barriers such as tariff rate quotas on sugar, orange juice, ethanol, and tobacco; subsidies for cotton, ethanol, and soybeans; and prolonged antidumping orders on steel and orange juice. U.S. concerns focus on Brazil's comparatively high tariff structure, especially on industrial goods, Mercosul's common external tariff program, and Brazil's refusal to address issues of critical importance to the United States such as services trade, intellectual property rights, government procurement, and investment. Despite these differences, both countries recognize the potential for important gains to be had from mutually acceptable trade liberalization at all levels. As a developing country with an opportunity for considerable growth in both exports and imports, however, Brazil may have the most to gain from addressing both foreign barriers to its trade, and unilaterally opening its economy further.
This book is a succinct overview of the history of US-Brazilian relations over the past two decades. Monica Hirst considers economic relations between the two countries, presenting pertinent statistical information and detailing key economic policy disputes between the two governments (as well as the ongoing negotiations regarding a free trade agreement for the Americas). The book also looks at political issues such as military cooperation, nuclear energy, human rights and democracy, migration, the relative influence of both governments elsewhere in South America, relations in the context of multilateral organizations, drug trafficking, terrorism and the January 2003 transition from the Cardoso to the Lula presidency. It concludes with an essay that situates US-Brazilian relations in a broader analytical and comparative framework. The United States and Brazil will be of interest to students and scholars of economics, geography and politics and international relations in general.
In Brazil, the confluence of strong global demand for the country's major products, global successes for its major corporations, and steady results from its economic policies is building confidence and even reviving dreams of grandeza—the greatness that has proven elusive in the past. Even as the current economic crisis tempers expectations of the future, the trends identified in this book suggest that Brazil will continue its path toward becoming a leading economic power in the future. Once seen as an economic backwater, Brazil now occupies key niches in energy, agriculture, service industries, and even high technology. Yet Latin America's largest nation still struggles with endemic inequality issues and deep-seated ambivalence toward global economic integration. Scholars and policy practitioners from Brazil, the United States, and Europe recently gathered to investigate the present state and likely future of the Brazilian economy. This important volume is the timely result. In Brazil as an Economic Superpower? international authorities focus on five key topics: agribusiness, energy, trade, social investment, and multinational corporations. Their analyses and expertise provide not only a unique and authoritative picture of the Brazilian economy but also a useful lens through which to view the changing global economy as a whole.
Brazil is located in the east coast of the South America, by Atlantic Ocean. With its area of 8,511,965 km2, constitutes one of biggest countries of the world in territorial extension. It possesses vast natural water holds; the biggest forest of the land; and flora, fauna, air, land, minerals and waters of inestimable value for the planet. It possesses around 169 million inhabitants, distributed in 26 States and a Federal District, where it is locates Brasilia capital. Brazil has a Gross Internal Product (GIP) close to USS 800 billion, and the per capita GIP is close to USS 4,719.76. It has the biggest economy of Latin America, and well developed sectors in the area of agriculture, industry, commerce and jobs. In agriculture, it is distinguished by the coffee production, soy, rice, meat, sugar cane, citric, cocoa. Its industrial park is distinguished by the production of chemical, shoes products, cement, iron, steel, airplanes, engines and automobiles, buses, machines, implements and equipment. It exports and imports around USS 50 billion per year; it has around 50 million television sets, 40 million fixed and cellular telephones, 70 million radios. This new book presents important analyses of this dynamic country.