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In January 2016, a series of states of emergency for the City of Flint were declared by the Mayor, the Governor and even the President. These declarations turned the attention of the state and nation to the Flint water crisis. As a result, the state, local and federal governments sprang into action. The National Guard was tasked to assist. FEMA1 sent representatives. Community organizations and non-profits from throughout the state, and even nationally, responded by volunteering, and sending bottled water. The Governor formed Mission Flint, which brought key members of the Administration together weekly, and the Legislature authorized a supplemental budget. Bottled water and water filters were distributed and residents were provided information in multiple languages. It was all hands on deck. From all accounts, the government was operating the way we would expect it to operate in response to an emergency. What then, was the problem? The timing. Preceding this flurry of "state of emergency" activity, Flint residents had been reporting heavily discolored and bad tasting water for well over a year. This report is triggered by the Flint Water Crisis, but in many ways is not just about Flint. This report seeks to outline a broader framework to explain why the crisis occurred and to propose a set of recommendations that minimizes and safeguards against similar crises in the future. Our report is not meant to assess blame, but to help ensure that such a crisis does not occur in the future and to address shortcomings that continue to persist over time.
The updated edition of this book describes the role of gender in the American electoral process through the 2008 elections. It strikes a balance between highlighting the most important developments for women as voters and candidates in the 2008 elections and providing a deeper analysis of the ways that gender has helped shape electoral politics in the United States. Individual chapters demonstrate the importance of gender in understanding presidential elections, voter participation and turnout, voting choices, the participation of African American women, congressional elections, the support of political parties and women's organizations, candidate communications with voters, and state elections. This updated volume also includes new chapters that analyze the roles of Latinas in US politics and chronicle the candidacies of Hillary Clinton and Sarah Palin.
In the United States, some populations suffer from far greater disparities in health than others. Those disparities are caused not only by fundamental differences in health status across segments of the population, but also because of inequities in factors that impact health status, so-called determinants of health. Only part of an individual's health status depends on his or her behavior and choice; community-wide problems like poverty, unemployment, poor education, inadequate housing, poor public transportation, interpersonal violence, and decaying neighborhoods also contribute to health inequities, as well as the historic and ongoing interplay of structures, policies, and norms that shape lives. When these factors are not optimal in a community, it does not mean they are intractable: such inequities can be mitigated by social policies that can shape health in powerful ways. Communities in Action: Pathways to Health Equity seeks to delineate the causes of and the solutions to health inequities in the United States. This report focuses on what communities can do to promote health equity, what actions are needed by the many and varied stakeholders that are part of communities or support them, as well as the root causes and structural barriers that need to be overcome.
"Who gets elected? Who do they represent? What issues do they prioritize? Does diversity in representation make a difference? Race, Gender, and Political Representation thinks differently about identity politics in the United States. It is not about women's representation or minority representation; it is about how race and gender interact to affect the election, behavior, and impact of all individuals - raced women and gendered minorities alike. By putting women of color at the center of the analysis and re-evaluating traditional, one-at-a-time approaches to studying the politics of race or gender, the authors demonstrate what an intersectional approach to identity politics can reveal. With a wealth of original data on the presence, policy leadership, and policy impact of Black women and men, Latinas and Latinos, and white women and men in state legislative office in the late 20th and early 21st centuries, each chapter shows how the politics of race, gender, and representation are far more complex than recurring "Year of the Woman" frameworks suggest. An array of race-gender similarities and differences are evident in the experiences, activities, and accomplishments of these state legislators. Yet one thing is clear: the representation of those marginalized by multiple, intersecting systems of power and inequality is intricately bound to the representation of women of color"--
This volume joins the preceding volumes in this distinguished series in presenting contemporary research by leading political scientists addressing topics of interest to those concerned with African-American affairs. It captures the expanding boundaries of black politics and the persistent interests of the black community at large. The anchoring symposium, "The Expanding Boundaries of Black Politics," presents the scholarship of a cadre of young black political scientists actively engaged in the critical tasks of moving forward the study of black politics. Their concerns include expanding the boundaries of black politics along the lines of epistemology and methodology, especially in regard to core issues and areas within this field. In an introductory essay by Todd Shaw, the work of these scholars is situated within the context of temporal shifts in scholarly emphases. Overlapping issues and concerns across time as well as black political scholarship as defined in the field since its beginning are addressed. The second part of this volume, entitled "Maximizing the Black Vote; Recognizing the Limits of Electoral Politics," concentrates on serious lingering social concerns. These include the policy significance of black mayors affecting the concomitant impact of the black vote, the boundaries being pushed concerning the conjunction of black theology and sexual identity, a gendered analysis of familial policies, and the deepening social and economic plight of young black males including felon disfranchisement. The Expanding Boundaries of Black Politics carries forth the search for an understanding of the relationship between religion, the black church, and black political behavior; cross-racial group coalitions as concerns matters of immigration, growing multiculturalism, and the impact on black politics; maximizing the impact of the black vote focusing on voting rights enforcement, the black vote in presidential elections, and the voice of the Congressional Black Caucus in American foreign policy; and persistent social inequalities especially as it concerns ideology, federalism, and social welfare policy.
Traditional local election methods--district, at-large, and hybrid approaches--are changing. There is a movement toward election reform. The purpose of Local Government Elections is to sort through and make sense of the various, sometimes complex, election system options at the local level. The book provides an introduction to local election practices and a review of traditional election methods. Also addressed are the issues, potential solutions, future trends and implications regarding local government elections. In addition, two appendices detail the National Civic League's suggested election guidelines for both city and county governments. While most published works on election practices focus on the federal and state levels of government, Local Government Elections is one of the few that deals solely with the city and county units of government. Complete details are given for such practices as the ward system, at-large plurality system, combined system, limited voting, cumulative voting, proportional representation, and alternative voting, and their myriad variations.
The official publication of the National Conference of Black Political Scientists, this annual publication includes significant scholarly research reflecting the diverse interests of scholars from various backgrounds who use a variety of models, approaches, and methodologies. The central focus is on politics and policies that advantage or disadvantage groups because of race, ethnicity, sex, or other such factors. The research is performed in a variety of contexts and settings. This third volume includes an introductory note by the editor, Lucius J. Barker, in which he assesses the performance of the Journal in defining a "different political science" and a note by incoming editor Matthew Holden, Jr. outlining topics and agendas for future volumes. Feature articles include "Reconceptualizing Urban Violence"; "Political Science and the Black Political Experience"; "The Impact of At-Large Elections on the Representation of Black and White Women"; "State Responses to Richmond v. Croson: A Survey of Equal Opportunity Officers"; "Media in Warsaw Pact States: Explanations of Crisis Coverage"; and "Presence of Immigrants and National Front Vote: The Case of Paris (1984-1990)." The Book Review Section includes review essays on East European research, black urban politics, and the political reincorporatlon of southern blacks, and regular book reviews on minority groups and American political culture and other areas.