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Black Americans in Congress, 1870-2007 provides a comprehensive history of the more than 120 African Americans who have served in the United States Congress from 1870 through 2007. Individual profiles are introduced by contextual essays that explain major events in congressional and U.S. history. Illustrated with many portraits, photographs, and charts. House Document 108-224. 3d edition. Edited by Matthew Wasniewski. Paperback edition. Questions that are answered include: How many African Americans have served in the U.S. Congress? How did Reconstruction, the Great Migration, and the post-World War II civil rights movement affect black Members of Congress? Who was the first African American to chair a congressional committee? Read about: Pioneers who overcame racial barriers, such as Oscar De Priest of Illinois, the first African American elected to Congress in the 20th century, and Shirley Chisholm of New York, the first black CongresswomanMasters of institutional politics, such as Augustus "Gus" Hawkins of California, Louis Stokes of Ohio, and Julian Dixon of CaliforniaNotables such as Civil War hero Robert Smalls of South Carolina, civil rights champion Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., of New York, and constitutional scholar Barbara Jordan of TexasAnd many more. Black Americans in Congress also includes: Pictures-including rarely seen historical images-of each African American who has served in CongressBibliographies and references to manuscript collections for each MemberStatistical graphs and chartsA comprehensive index Other related products: African Americans resources collection can be found here: https://bookstore.gpo.gov/catalog/african-americans Biographical Directory of the United States Congress, 1774-2005 can be found here: https://bookstore.gpo.gov/products/sku/052-071-01418-7 Women in Congress, 1917-2006 --Hardcover format can be found here: https://bookstore.gpo.gov/products/sku/052-070-07480-9 United States Congressional Serial Set, Serial No. 14903, House Document No. 223, Women in Congress, 1917-2006 is available here: https://bookstore.gpo.gov/products/sku/552-108-00040-0 Hispanic Americans in Congress, 1822-2012 --Print Hardcover format can be found here: https://bookstore.gpo.gov/products/sku/052-071-01563-9 --Print Paperback format can be found here: https://bookstore.gpo.gov/products/sku/052-071-01567-1 --ePub format available for Free download is available here: https://bookstore.gpo.gov/products/sku/052-300-00008-8 --MOBI format is available for Free download here: https://bookstore.gpo.gov/products/sku/052-300-00010-0
The symbolic importance of Barack Obama's election is without question. But beyond symbolism, does the election of African-American politicians matter? Grose argues that it does and presents a unified theory of representation. Electing African-American legislators yields more federal dollars and congressional attention directed toward African-American voters. However, race and affirmative action gerrymandering have no impact on public policy passed in Congress. Grose is the first to examine a natural experiment and exceptional moment in history in which black legislators – especially in the U.S. South – represented districts with a majority of white constituents. This is the first systematic examination of the effect of a legislator's race above and beyond the effect of constituency racial characteristics. Grose offers policy prescriptions, including the suggestion that voting rights advocates, the courts, and redistricters draw 'black decisive districts', electorally competitive districts that are likely to elect African Americans.
Presented here in an enlarged edition, Black Faces, Black Interests presents persuasive evidence that challenges the notion that only African Americans can represent black interests effectively in Congress. This pivotal work argues for black and white representatives to form coalitions to better serve their constituents.
Here, Katherine Tate examines the significance of race in the U.S. system of representative democracy for African Americans. Presenting important new findings, she offers the first empirical study to take up the question of representation from both sides of the constituent-representative relationship. The first half of the book examines whether black members of the U.S. House legislate and represent their constituents differently than white members do. Representation is broadly conceptualized to include not only legislators' roll call voting behavior and bill sponsorship, but also the symbolic acts in which they engage. The second half looks at the issue of representation from the perspective of ordinary African Americans based on a landmark national survey. Tate's findings are mixed. But, in the main, legislators' race does shape how they represent their constituents and how constituents evaluate them. African Americans view black representatives more positively than they do white representatives, even those who belong to their own political party. Black legislators, however, are just as likely as white representatives to sponsor and gain passage of bills in the House. Tate also concludes that black House members are more liberal as a group than are their black constituents, but that there is considerable divergence in the quality and type of representation they provide. The findings reported here will generate controversy in the fields of politics, law, and race, particularly as debate commences over renewing the Voting Rights Act, which is set to expire in 2007.
From popular TV correspondent and writer Rocca comes a charmingly irreverent and rigorously researched book that celebrates the dead people who made life worth living.
From the Reconstruction of the 1870s to the Presidential politics of the 1980s, Representative Clay looks at African-American politicians and chronicles the founding of the Congressional Black Caucus, its high points and its low moments. b/w photographic insert.
During the Great Depression, black intellectuals, labor organizers, and artists formed the National Negro Congress (NNC) to demand a "second emancipation" in America. Over the next decade, the NNC and its offshoot, the Southern Negro Youth Congress, sought to coordinate and catalyze local antiracist activism into a national movement to undermine the Jim Crow system of racial and economic exploitation. In this pioneering study, Erik S. Gellman shows how the NNC agitated for the first-class citizenship of African Americans and all members of the working class, establishing civil rights as necessary for reinvigorating American democracy. Much more than just a precursor to the 1960s civil rights movement, this activism created the most militant interracial freedom movement since Reconstruction, one that sought to empower the American labor movement to make demands on industrialists, white supremacists, and the state as never before. By focusing on the complex alliances between unions, civic groups, and the Communist Party in five geographic regions, Gellman explains how the NNC and its allies developed and implemented creative grassroots strategies to weaken Jim Crow, if not deal it the "death blow" they sought.
"This guide lists the numerous examples of government documents, manuscripts, books, photographs, recordings and films in the collections of the Library of Congress which examine African-American life. Works by and about African-Americans on the topics of slavery, music, art, literature, the military, sports, civil rights and other pertinent subjects are discussed"--
"Over the last half century, there has been a marked increase in ideological conservatism among African Americans, with nearly 50% of black Americans describing themselves as conservative in the 2000s, as compared to 10% in the 1970s. Support for redistributive initiatives has likewise declined. And yet, even as black Americans shift rightward on ideological and issue positions, Democratic Party identification has stayed remarkable steady, holding at 80% to 90%. It is this puzzle that White and Laird look to address in this new book: Why has ideological change failed to push black Americans into the Republican party? Most explanations for homogeneity have focused on individual dispositions, including ideology and group identity. White and Laird acknowledge that these are important, but point out that such explanations fail to account for continued political unity even in the face of individual ideological change and of individual incentives to defect from this common group behavior. The authors offer instead, or in addition, a behavioral explanation, arguing that black Americans maintain political unity through the establishment and enforcement of well-defined group expectations of black political behavior through a process they term racialized social constraint. The authors explain how black political norms came about, and what these norms are, then show (with the help of survey data and lab-in-field experiments) how such norms are enforced, and where this enforcement happens (through a focus on black institutions). They conclude by exploring the implications of the theory for electoral strategy, as well as explaining how this framework can be used to understand other voter communities"--