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Questions about the likelihood of conflict between the United States and China have dominated international policy discussion for years. But the leading theory of power transitions between a declining hegemon and a rising rival is based exclusively on European examples, such as the Peloponnesian War, as chronicled by Thucydides, as well as the rise of Germany under Bismarck and the Anglo-German rivalry of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. What lessons does East Asian history offer, for both the power transitions debate and the future of U.S.-China relations? Examining the rise and fall of East Asian powers over 1,500 years, Beyond Power Transitions offers a new perspective on the forces that shape war and peace. Xinru Ma and David C. Kang argue that focusing on the East Asian experience underscores domestic risks and constraints on great powers, not relative rise and decline in international competition. They find that almost every regime transition before the twentieth century was instigated by internal challenges and even the exceptions deviated markedly from the predictions of power transition theory. Instead, East Asia was stable for a remarkably long time despite massive power differences because of common understandings about countries’ relative status. Provocative and incisive, this book challenges prevailing assumptions about the universality of power transition theory and shows why East Asian history has profound implications for international affairs today.
China’s Challenges and International Order Transition introduces an integrated conceptual framework of “international order” categorized by three levels (power, rules, and norms) and three issue-areas (security, political, and economic). Each contributor engages one or more of these analytical dimensions to examine two questions: (1) Has China already challenged this dimension of international order? (2) How will China challenge this dimension of international order in the future? The contested views and perspectives in this volume suggest it is too simple to assume an inevitable conflict between China and the outside world. With different strategies to challenge or reform the many dimensions of international order, China’s role is not a one-way street. It is an interactive process in which the world may change China as much as China may change the world. The aim of the book is to broaden the debate beyond the “Thucydides Trap” perspective currently popular in the West. Rather than offering a single argument, this volume offers a platform for scholars, especially Chinese scholars vs. Western scholars, to exchange and debate their different views and perspectives on China and the potential transition of international order.
"China's threat to U.S. global hegemony has dominated international policy discussion for years. But the power transition debate-whether the growing power, China, is bound to challenge and overtake the bigger power, the United States-relies on a theory almost exclusively based on European examples from the past 400 years. Xinru Ma and David Kang argue in this concise, incisive book that-as China is not an eighteenth-century European state fighting for survival against a number of similarly-sized states-China's example can shed new light on how great powers behave. China is a massive and ancient civilization centrally located in the East Asian region. Upon closer inspection, China itself has historically worried very little about expansionist war from a rising power, let alone carrying one out. An examination of over 1,500 years in East Asian history reveals that power transition wars almost never created a transition in power between different nations. More prevalent in East Asian history is dynastic transition, with seventeen out of twenty regime changes resulting from internal rebellion. Had power transition theory started with East Asian history rather than European history, it would emphasize the domestic risks and constraints on great powers. If scholars and policymakers want a meaningful discussion of a way out of today's great power conflict between the United States and China, rather than threat inflation, then they need a more careful analysis of both contemporary China and the historical record. The lessons of East Asian history are clear: both contemporary China and the United States face considerable internal challenges that are more pressing than external threats"--
In this thesis, I ask three questions about the nature of power transition theory. First, I ask whether power transition theory can be generalized beyond identification of great powers or regional hierarchies. Lemke and Werner introduce the concept of a multiple hierarchical order, in which mutually relevant regional powers can go to war over dissatisfaction with a regional status quo. I submit that this concept can be generalized into a continuous concept to include all states within the umbrella of the theory. Second, I ask how often status quo states initiate war in power transition cases. Jack Levy explains that status quo states have a motive to launch a preemptive war against a revisionist state, before it becomes too powerful to defeat. I submit that these motivations lead to a high incidence of status quo actor-initiated war in power transitions. Finally, I ask whether the rate of change of relative power matters during a transition period. I hypothesize that quick changes in the relative difference in power between two states would create a fast-closing window of opportunity. This closing window creates a crisis and motivates leaders to move quickly, leading to a higher probability of avoidable war. Incorporation of rate of power transition could explain war in power transition cases yet to achieve true parity, or even explain peace in a period of parity and revisionism. To test these questions, I create a large, inclusive (571,000+ N) dataset of nearly all dyads between 1821 and 2001, using the Correlates of War Composite Index of National Capabilities as the basis of power independent variables, and a composite of distance and power measurements to determine the relevance independent variable. I run a number of regressions of the power and relevance independent variables against the onset of war. I reach decisive conclusions about the nature of power dynamics in the international system, and propose their incorporation into the power transition literature. Generalized, continuous measurements of relevance, parity, and rate of change of power transition increase the explanatory power of the model; the revisionist state does not always or even usually provoke power transition war; finally, higher rates of power transition lead to a higher probability of war. The thesis ends with a number of shortfalls with the model I propose, and a number of further revisions and expansions of power transition theory.
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Personal Transitions is a practical and engaging book based on a fusion of spirituality, myth, story, case studies, practical exercises, visualization and meditation. Includes various transition stories including: near death experiences, accidents, prison, war, psychological breakdown, and various awakening experiences.
Arguing that existing ideas about balance of power and power transition are inadequate, this book gives an innovative reinterpretation of the changing nature of U.S. power, focused on the 'order transition' in East Asia.
Take a new look at healing, health, life, even death, and daily challenges and transitions. Transition and Survival Technologies takes readers further on their inner as well as inter-dimensional journeys into the worlds of healing, transitioning, shifting realities, dying ?????? into the worlds the human consciousness has a right to access and can indeed access to heal and survive here and beyond. We can free our attention to focus upon something much more subtle, abstract, and more real than our so-called "worldly" experiences. Once we are fully liberated and our perceptions set free to see, a new kind of understanding or vision of reality can come to us. We can then see ourselves as something far more, far greater, than we believed ourselves to be.