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“Dazzling and instructive . . . [a] magisterial new book.” —Walter Isaacson, Time "An astute analysis that illuminates many of today's critical international issues." —Kirkus Reviews Henry Kissinger offers in World Order a deep meditation on the roots of international harmony and global disorder. Drawing on his experience as one of the foremost statesmen of the modern era—advising presidents, traveling the world, observing and shaping the central foreign policy events of recent decades—Kissinger now reveals his analysis of the ultimate challenge for the twenty-first century: how to build a shared international order in a world of divergent historical perspectives, violent conflict, proliferating technology, and ideological extremism. There has never been a true “world order,” Kissinger observes. For most of history, civilizations defined their own concepts of order. Each considered itself the center of the world and envisioned its distinct principles as universally relevant. China conceived of a global cultural hierarchy with the emperor at its pinnacle. In Europe, Rome imagined itself surrounded by barbarians; when Rome fragmented, European peoples refined a concept of an equilibrium of sovereign states and sought to export it across the world. Islam, in its early centuries, considered itself the world’s sole legitimate political unit, destined to expand indefinitely until the world was brought into harmony by religious principles. The United States was born of a conviction about the universal applicability of democracy—a conviction that has guided its policies ever since. Now international affairs take place on a global basis, and these historical concepts of world order are meeting. Every region participates in questions of high policy in every other, often instantaneously. Yet there is no consensus among the major actors about the rules and limits guiding this process or its ultimate destination. The result is mounting tension. Grounded in Kissinger’s deep study of history and his experience as national security advisor and secretary of state, World Order guides readers through crucial episodes in recent world history. Kissinger offers a unique glimpse into the inner deliberations of the Nixon administration’s negotiations with Hanoi over the end of the Vietnam War, as well as Ronald Reagan’s tense debates with Soviet Premier Gorbachev in Reykjavík. He offers compelling insights into the future of U.S.–China relations and the evolution of the European Union, and he examines lessons of the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan. Taking readers from his analysis of nuclear negotiations with Iran through the West’s response to the Arab Spring and tensions with Russia over Ukraine, World Order anchors Kissinger’s historical analysis in the decisive events of our time. Provocative and articulate, blending historical insight with geopolitical prognostication, World Order is a unique work that could come only from a lifelong policy maker and diplomat. Kissinger is also the author of On China.
This discerning book examines China’s newly developed soft-intervention policy towards North Korea, Myanmar and the two Sudans by examining China’s diplomatic statements and behaviours. It also highlights the Chinese soft-intervention policy in economic manipulation and diplomatic persuasion in the recent generations of Chinese leadership under Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping.
This important new book explores contemporary concerns about the protection of national security. It examines the role, influence, and impact of Big Tech on politics, power, and individual rights. The volume considers the manner in which digital technology and its business models have shaped public policy and charts its future course. In this vital text for legislators and policymakers, Andrea Monti and Raymond Wacks draw on several case studies to analyse the changing nature of national security and revisit the traditional idea of the sovereignty of the State. They highlight some of the limitations of the conventional understanding of public policy, national security, and the rule of law to reveal the role of digital technology as an enabler as well as discriminator in governance and social disorder. Further, the chapters in the book explore the tenuous balance between individual freedom and national security; the key role of data protection in safeguarding digital data; Big Tech’s appropriation of national security policy; the debate relating to datagathering technologies and encryption; and offers an unsettling answer to the question ‘what is a leak?’ A stimulating read, this key text will be of immense interest to scholars of politics, cyberculture, and national security, as well as to policy analysts, lawyers, and journalists.
Casualties of the New World Order contends that the high rate of failure among post-Cold War UN missions are attributable to common weaknesses which are vulnerable to civil war dynamics. These mission weaknesses derive from the high level of control over the missions' mandates and operations wielded by combinations of self-interested and distracted UN member-states. The effects of these weaknesses are examined in the failed missions in Bosnia, Somalia, and Angola, while their absence is observed in the successful missions to El Salvador, Mozambique, and Cambodia.
Begins by identifying a global problematique, a coincidence of four sustained factors; war, insecurity and militarisation; the persistance of poverty, the denial of human rights; environmental destruction. The conventional policy approaches to these problems are analysed through a rigorous critique of the three United Nations reports of the 1980s. Describing the partial solutions of the Brandt, Palme and Bruntland Commissions, attention is turned to the individuals and organisations involved in policy and action at the grassroots level. Peace and security, human rights, economic development are all discussed. The author argues that if the root causes for crisis lie in Western scientism, developmentalism and the construct of the nations state, it is on the success of `alternative' work that a new world order, based on peace, human dignity and ecological sustainability, can be created.
This volume explores subjects such as the rise of modern nationalism and its potentially destructive nature in regard to world order; arms control and disarmament in the nuclear age; and the problems of national self-determination and national minorities. They also take up the issue of human rights-who is responsible for the promotion and enforcement of rights: the individual states and their citizens, or the international community? Contributors: William D. Jackson, James Piscatori, Moorhead Wright, W. David Clinton III, Lowell Gustafson, J.C. Garnett, Brian Porter, Michael Ross Fowler, Julie Marie Bunck, Robert Williams, Brian E. Klunk, Reed M. Davis, William R. Stevenson, Jr., Robert DeVries, Kenneth W. Thompson, Margaret P. Karnes, Harold K. Jacobson, and Inis L. Claude, Jr. Co-published with The Miller Center of Public Affairs.
In 'The New World Order According to Putin,' Vladimir Putin delves into the complex geopolitical landscape of the 21st century, offering his insights on global power dynamics and his vision for a new world order. Putin's writing style is authoritative and strategic, reflecting his years of experience as a political leader. The book provides a glimpse into the mind of one of the world's most influential and controversial figures, shedding light on his perspectives on international relations and the role of Russia on the world stage. Through meticulous analysis and bold assertions, Putin challenges conventional thinking and presents his own bold vision for the future of global politics. In a world where power dynamics are constantly shifting, Putin's perspective offers a unique and thought-provoking outlook on the state of international affairs. Readers interested in geopolitics, world affairs, and the role of Russia in global politics will find 'The New World Order According to Putin' a compelling and insightful read.
Modern economics, which is powered by profit, and not by benefit for people, inevitably follows pecuniary principles, and lives from rent and exploitation. It fails to stand up to modern challenges. For economy to turn into a plant producing useful goods, it should give up all liberal principles, change the economic philosophy, as well as its priorities and instruments. The theory and the properties of such an economic model are described in this monograph.