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This report contains brief descriptions of the most prominent arms control and nonproliferation efforts in which the United States has participated during recent years. The entries describe the substance of each arms control effort, the period in which the effort occurred, and the status of the effort at the end of 2004. The first section of this report describes arms control efforts between the United States and the states of the former Soviet Union. Among the agreements described here are the START Treaties that impose deep reductions on strategic offensive nuclear weapons in the United States and former Soviet Union. START I entered into force in late 1994; both the United States and Russia approved START II, but it did not enter into force and has fallen aside with the negotiation of the Strategic Offensive Reductions Treaty. It also describes the debate over the ABM Treaty, U.S. policy on missile defenses, and the U.S. withdrawal from the Treaty. The second section reviews efforts, by the United States and its allies, to assist the states of the former Soviet Union with the elimination and enhanced security of their nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons and the associated materials. The third section of this report describes several agreements that affect conventional weapons. These include the CFE Treaty and the Open Skies Treaty, along with efforts to control or ban anti-personnel landmines. The fourth section of this report focus on multilateral nonproliferation efforts, such as the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty and the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty. This section also describes non-nuclear nonproliferation efforts, such as the Chemical Weapons Convention and Biological Weapons Convention, and efforts to control the proliferation of conventional weapons and dual-use technologies.
Contents: (1) Intro.: National Security, Arms Control, and Non-proliferation (NP); The Arms Control Agenda; (2) Arms Control Between the U.S. and States of the Former Soviet Union: The Early Years: SALT I and SALT II; Reagan and Bush Years: INF and START; Clinton and Bush Years: Moving Past START and the ABM Treaty; Threat Reduction and NP Assist.; (3) Multilateral Nuclear NP Activities: The Internat. Nuclear NP Regime; Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty; Fissile Material Prod¿n. Cutoff Treaty; Informal Coop.; (4) Non-Nuclear Multilateral Endeavors: European Conventional Arms Control; Conventional Technology Controls; Weapons Elimination Conventions. App: List of Treaties and Agree.; U.S. Treaty Ratification Process; Arms Control Org.
This book strives to take stock of current achievements and existing challenges in nuclear verification, identify the available information and gaps that can act as drivers for exploring new approaches to verification strategies and technologies. With the practical application of the systems concept to nuclear disarmament scenarios and other, non-nuclear verification fields, it investigates, where greater transparency and confidence could be achieved in pursuit of new national or international nonproliferation and arms reduction efforts. A final discussion looks at how, in the absence of formal government-to-government negotiations, experts can take practical steps to advance the technical development of these concepts.
This report contains brief descriptions of the most prominent arms control and nonproliferation efforts in which the United States has participated during recent years. The entries describe the substance of each arms control effort, the period in which the effort occurred, and the status of the effort at the end of 2004. The first section of this report describes arms control efforts between the United States and the states of the former Soviet Union. Among the agreements described here are the START Treaties that impose deep reductions on strategic offensive nuclear weapons in the United States and former Soviet Union. START I entered into force in late 1994; both the United States and Russia approved START II, but it did not enter into force and has fallen aside with the negotiation of the Strategic Offensive Reductions Treaty. It also describes the debate over the ABM Treaty, U.S. policy on missile defenses, and the U.S. withdrawal from the Treaty. The second section reviews efforts, by the United States and its allies, to assist the states of the former Soviet Union with the elimination and enhanced security of their nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons and the associated materials. The third section of this report describes several agreements that affect conventional weapons. These include the CFE Treaty and the Open Skies Treaty, along with efforts to control or ban anti-personnel landmines. The fourth section of this report focus on multilateral nonproliferation efforts, such as the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty and the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty. This section also describes non-nuclear nonproliferation efforts, such as the Chemical Weapons Convention and Biological Weapons Convention, and efforts to control the proliferation of conventional weapons and dual-use technologies. The final section of the report highlights specific regions and countries that pose challenges to the nonproliferation regimes. These include China, where the United States has sought to discourage activities that might help other countries acquire weapons of mass destruction and to encourage China's participation in nonproliferation regimes; North Korea, where the United States continues to seek to stop the acquisition of nuclear weapons; Libya, which agreed in 2004 to eliminate its WMD programs; Iraq, where the United States and United Nations continue to seek to dismantle and contain WMD programs; Iran, which many experts believe is seeking to acquire nuclear weapons; and South Asia, where the May 1998 nuclear weapons tests raised concerns for both the international Nuclear Nonproliferation regime and the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. The appendices at the end of the report contain a more comprehensive list of arms control treaties and agreements, a list of arms control organizations, and additional information about the U.S. treaty ratification process. This report is updated annually, at the beginning of the calendar year.
Arms control, for decades at the core of the foreign policy consensus, today is among the more contentious issues in American politics. It is pilloried and considered out of mode in many conservative quarters, while being viewed as nearly sacrosanct in many liberal circles. In this new book, Michael Levi and Michael O'Hanlon argue that neither the left nor the right has a correct view of the proper utility of arms control in the age of terror. Arms control in the traditional sense--lengthy treaties to limit nuclear and other military competitions among the great powers--is no longer particularly useful. Nor should arms control be pursued as a means to the end of constraining the power of nations or of promoting global government. It is still a critical tool, though, for controlling dangerous technologies, particularly those that, in the hands of hostile states or terrorist organizations, could cause massive death and destruction. Arms control and coercive action, including military force, must be integrated into an overall strategy for preventing proliferation, now more than ever before. Arms control should be used to gain earlier warning of illicit activities inside dangerous states, allowing the international community to take coercive action in a timely way. The authors propose three new criteria to guide future arms control efforts, designed to respond to today's geopolitical realities. Arms control must focus on the dangers of catastrophic technology, not so much in the hands of major powers as of small states and terrorist groups. Their criteria lead to a natural focus on nuclear and biological technologies. Much tougher measures to prevent countries from gaining nuclear weapons technoloty while purportedly complying with the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and procedures for controlling dangerous biological technologies will be most prominent in this framework, while lower priority is giben to efforts such as bilateral nuclear accords and most t
This volume is a collection of contributions by world-leading experts in the nuclear field who participated in the educational activities of the International School on Disarmament and Research on Conflicts (ISODARCO). It features some of most prominent scholars and practitioners who contributed in fundamental ways to shaping policies, strategies, theories, scholarly studies, and debates in the field of non-proliferation and disarmament. On the occasion of ISODARCO's 50th anniversary this book revisits a selection of contributions that capture the pressing issues during the five decades of continuous engagement in disarmament and non-proliferation education.
Management of superpower relations and, in particular, arms control continue to be among the most pressing issues on the international agenda. In a world without central governance, states face a security dilemma made critical by the presence of weapons of mass destruction. Contributors to this volume address a broad range of concerns in arms contr