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This year's, the fourth, review of the MPs' Business costs & expenses scheme is much about refining rules rather than making substantive changes. It pays special attention to MPs' needs for staff. It gives MPs a clear budget limit for staff, but one that allows flexibility so as to reflect the differences in their ways of work. This Review also explored the separation between parliamentary functions and party political activities
Third edition dated May 2011. This document replaces the version of the 3rd edition published in April (HC 890, ISBN 9780102971293) and is being issued free of charge to all known recipients of that earlier version
This report emphasises the importance of independent regulation of the system for reimbursing MPs' costs; of the continuing need for transparency and the need for value for money. The Committee concludes that the aims set out for the new system in 2009 were the right ones but have not been sufficiently achieved. In particular, the cost to the taxpayer is too high and the time spent dealing with the system hinders MPs in performing their parliamentary duties, to the detriment of constituents and the country. Proposals made include: separating the administrative and regulatory roles of the Independent Parliamentary Standards Authority (IPSA); improving the transparency of IPSA's publication of claims; a cost-benefit analysis of how the accommodation and travel part of the system could be simplified
Seeks views on the content and administration of the MPs' expenses scheme. This title includes chapters that cover: scope of the consultation; principles of the scheme; working as an MP; expenses and allowances; administering the expenses scheme; working from two locations - accommodation for MPs; travel and subsistence; and, staff for MPs.
This study examines the evolution and political consequences of the 2009 British MPs' expenses scandal. Despite claims of a revolution in British politics, we show how the expenses scandal had a limited, short-term impact.
The Independent Parliamentary Standards Authority (IPSA) published a consultation, 'MPs' pay and pensions: a new package', in July 2013. Although it is not a statutory duty of the Committee to comment on proposals on relating to pay and pensions, it is in within their remit to comment on proposed changes to the expenses scheme. This report responds to question 9 of the consultation which relates to 'completing the modernisation of expenses' and comments on the proposal for an Annual report from Members.
The reports published as HC 631 (ISBN 9780215555922); HC 632 (9780215555939); HC 574 (9780215556042); HC 552 (9780215556066); HC 502 (9780215556165)
Should the criminal law be used to deter and punish corruption in politics: from employing family members at public expense to improper spending on elections, lobbying, and cronyism? How did so many MPs avoid facing charges after the 2009 government expenses scandal? In this book, Jeremy Horder tackles these questions and more. As well as offering the first treatment of the history, philosophy, and politics of the application of the offence of misconduct in office to Members of Parliament in England and Wales, Horder explains how political corruption might be dealt with in future, and how politicians could be held accountable for their actions so that they are deterred from betraying the public's trust. Use of the criminal law should not be the sole or even the main way to remedy all corruption in politics. Nevertheless, for too long the offence of misconduct in a public office has had an ambiguous status in the political realm. If we are to preserve the good health of government it must be seen as a constitutional fundamental. A charge of misconduct provides a way in which corrupt conduct on the part of legislators can be punished with an appropriate label, holding them to account for the misuse of power by reference to the standards of ordinary people. When other - civil law or regulatory - means prove insufficient, it should be possible for ordinary members of a jury, and not for Parliamentarians or other officials, to decide whether, for example, the expenditure of public money on legislators' private income and benefits amounts to a criminal abuse of the public's trust. This book offers an authoritative and accessible account of a 'bottom-up' (jury standards-led), as opposed to a 'top-down' (officials applying their own standards), approach to the role of the criminal law in constitutional contexts.
Two aspects link together the notions of corruption and integrity from an epistemological perspective: the complexity of defining the two notions, and their richness in forms. This volume brings together the perspectives of six disciplines - business, political science, law, philosophy, anthropology and behavioural science - to the debate on integrity and corruption. The main goal is to promote a fruitful interdisciplinary dialogue on complex themes such as integrity and corruption in business and politics. The book investigates possible ways in which corruption and integrity apply to everyday practices, ideas and ideologies, and avoids the stigmatizations and oversimplifications that often plague these fields of research.
This is an analysis of the revolution of the last two decades that has built an extensive new regulatory apparatus governing British public ethics. The book sets the new machinery in the wider institutional framework of British government. Its main purpose is to understand the dilemmas of regulatory design that have emerged in each area examined.