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In this book, Zillah Eisenstein continues her indictment of neoliberal imperial politics. She charts its most recent militarist and masculinist configurations through discussions of the Afghan and Iraq wars, violations at Guantánamo and Abu Ghraib, the 2004 US Presidential election, and hurricane Katrina. She warns that women's rights rhetoric is being manipulated as a ploy for global dominance and a misogynistic capture of democratic discourse. However, Eisenstein also believes that the radically plural and diverse lives of women will lay the basis for an assault on these fascistic elements. This new politics will both confound and clarify feminisms, and reconfigure democracy for the globe.
For the first time, Britain and the United States in Greece provides an in-depth analysis of Anglo-American diplomacy in Greece from 1946 to 1950. After Word War II, as Europe floundered economically, British Prime Minister Clement Attlee looked to disengage Britain from some of its broad international obligations and increase American support for its new foreign agenda. One place he sought to do so was in Greece. Spero Simeon Z. Paravantes reveals how the relationship between Britain and the US developed in this formative period, arguing that Britain used the fast-escalating tensions of the Cold War to direct US policy in Greece and encourage the Americans to take a more active role – effectively taking Britain's place – in the region. In the process, Paravantes sheds new light on how the American experience in Greece contributed to the formulation of the Truman Doctrine and the containment of communism, the structure of Greek institutions, and ultimately, the birth of the Cold War. Drawing on a wide range of sources from Britain, the US, Greece and the Balkans, this book is essential reading for all scholars looking to gain fresh insight into the complex origins of the Cold War, 20th-century Anglo-American relations, and the history of modern Greece.
A critique of Anglo-American relations in the twentieth century in the light of the most recent research. It challenges many existing interpretations and argues that the basis of the Anglo-American special relationship was laid by Roosevelt and Chamberlain, that Roosevelt preferred Stalin to Churchill, and that the origins of the Cold War should be seen as a British education of the Americans to the Soviet threat. Suez is reassessed following the recent release of material in the Eisenhower Library. There is a consideration of the relationship of 'mutual interdependence' and why Wilson and Heath chose to move instead towards the European connection, as well as Mrs Thatcher's reasons for preferring the Atlantic alliance.
The British Council and Anglo-Giwk Literary Interactions, 1945-1955, In the immediate aftermath of the Second World War, and with British political influence over Greece soon to be ceded to the United States, there was a considerable degree of cultural interaction between Greek and British literati. Sponsored or assisted by the British Council, this interaction was notable for its diversity and quality alike. Indeed, the British Council in Greece made a more significant contribution to local culture in that period than at any other time, and perhaps in any other country. Many of the participants - among them Patrick Leigh Fermor, Steven Runciman, and Louis MacNeice - are well known, while others deserve to be better know n than they are today. But what has been less fully discussed, and what the volume sets out to do, is to explore the two-way relations between Greek and British literary production in which the British Council played a particularly important role until the outbreak of armed conflict in Cyprus in 1955, which rendered further contacts of this kind difficult. Close attention is paid to the variety of ways - marked by personal affinities and allegiances, but also by political tensions - in which the British Council functional an agent of interaction in a climate where a complex blend of traditional Anglophilia or Philhellenism found itself encountering a new post-war and Cold War environment. What is distinctive about the volume, beyond the inclusion of much recent archival research, is its attention to the British Council as part of the story of Greek letters, and not just as a place in which various British men and women of letter worked. The British Council found itself, sometimes more through improvisation and personal affinities than through careful planning, at the heart of some key developments, notably in terms of important periodical publications which had a lasting influence on Greek letters. Though in the cultural forum that influence was arguably to be less pervasive than that of France, with its more ambitious cultural outreach, or than that of the USA in later decades, the role of the British Council in Greece in this crucial period of Greek (and indeed European) post-war history continues to make a rich case study in cultural politics. This volume thus fills a gap in the bibliography on Anglo-Greek relations and contributes to a wider scholarly and public discussion about cultural politics. Book jacket.
Anglo-American relations have been a crucial factor in international relations for over two centuries. For most of that time dealings between Britain and the United States have remained co-operative, cordial, and supportive. In the beginning, however, relations were confrontational and discordant: the two nations waged war against each other twice_in the War of Independence and in the War of 1812_and have often disagreed over trade, finance, and foreign policy. This volume demonstrates the changing nature of Anglo-American relations and focuses, in particular, on the strengths and fragilities of the 'special relationship' that developed in the aftermath of the WWII and continues to the present day. The Historical Dictionary of Anglo-American Relations surveys Anglo-American relations from 1607 to the present and covers key events, individuals, and issues that have played a part in its history. Through a chronology, an introductory essay, a bibliography, appendixes, and hundreds of cross-referenced entries_with an emphasis on the political and economic relationship between Britain and the United States but also featuring the cultural links between the two_this comprehensive and easily accessible reference tool will delight those interested in the history of these two countries.
The relationship between Britain and Greece, situated at the opposite ends of Europe has been close and troubled, especially since the emergence of Greece as an independent state in the 1830s. The essays in this book, some previously unpublished, focus on aspects of British-Greek relations, military, diplomatic and academic, during the twentieth-century. A particular area of interest is the Second World War, when British involvement in Greek affairs reached it climax, just before she surrendered her role as Greece's principal external patron to the United States.
The relationship between Britain and America has been the most important bilateral relationship the world has ever seen. Dobson's concise and readable book covers the whole of this century and employs selected historical detail to expose the special relationship in its true light and in all its complexity. Dobson rejects tha claim that the US was ever hegemonical. Its realtionship with Britain - over the Suez Crisis and Iran in the 1960s and grenada in 1983 - clearly demonstrates that it had to bargain and did not always get its way. However, the two nations co-operated in every major crisis from the Great to the Gulf war, and together promoted liberal democracy and capitalism. The story reveals both more interdependence and conflict than has been recognised in the past. Nuclear, intelligence defence and other links betwen the USA and Britain continue to this day, but the importance of the `special relationship' has diminished for both countries. Have common interests disappeard to an extent that the scope for bilateral cooperation has diminished to insignificince ? It is in addressing this question that Dobson draws his conclusions. Coverning defence, economic, political and personal aspects of Anglo-US realtions, this book will be indispensible for students of twentieth century American and British history and international relations.
This study demonstrates the importance of the decline of British power in the creation of the Cold War.
The so-called Colonels&’ coup of April 21, 1967, was a major event in the history of the Cold War, ushering in a seven-year period of military rule in Greece. In the wake of the coup, some eight thousand people affiliated with the Communist Party were rounded up, and Greece became yet another country where the fear of Communism led the United States into alliance with a repressive right-wing authoritarian regime. In military coups in some other countries, it is known that the CIA and other agencies of the U.S. government played an active role in encouraging and facilitating the takeover. The Colonels&’ coup, however, came as a surprise to the United States (which was expecting a Generals&’ coup instead). Yet the U.S. government accepted it after the fact, despite internal disputes within policymaking circles about the wisdom of accommodating the upstart Papadopoulos regime. Among the dissenters was Robert Keeley, then serving in the U.S. Embassy in Greece. This is his insider&’s account of how U.S. policy was formulated, debated, and implemented during the critical years 1966 to 1969 in Greek-U.S. relations.
The year 1919 marks a high point in the world power and prestige of Western democracy. World War I was ended, and the victory belonged to the democratic states. Theirs was the sober task-and the unique opportunity-of formulating a settlement that would guarantee impartial justice and preserve the peace. Dr. Tillman examines here the documentary account of Anglo-American diplomatic relations during this critical period. He shows the interaction of personalities in both governments, the patterns of cooperation and conflict as they negotiated major issues of war and of peace, and the political repercussions in both England and America that led either to compromise or to defeat of some of the best purposes of the Versailles Treaty. Originally published in 1961. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.