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'... strongly recommended to anyone with an interest in the current problems of defence ...' British Army Review
'... strongly recommended to anyone with an interest in the current problems of defence ...' British Army Review
The 9/11 terrorist attacks and the West's subsequent intervention in Iraq have brought the debate over Anglo-American relations into the public domain. The term "special relationship," which Winston Churchill used to describe this political bond, was coined in 1946. This textbook describes the origins and distinctive features of that special relationship and its justifications for continued existence within contemporary international relations. It also engages with debates over the phrase's authenticity and other controversies. The volume's innovative structure combines thematic, chronological, and regional approaches to build a complete portrait of the phenomenon and its historical relevance. Divided into three parts: elements of specialness, Cold War Anglo-American relations, and post-Cold War Anglo-American relations, the text is designed for classroom instruction and contains essential tools for students and general readers, including chronological timelines, a glossary, and recommendations for further reading.
This book examines Winston Churchill’s role in the creation and development of the Anglo–American special relationship. Drawing together world leading and emergent scholars, this volume offers a critical celebration of Churchill’s contribution to establishing the Anglo–American special relationship. Marking the seventieth anniversary of Churchill’s pronouncement in 1946 of that special relationship in his famous Iron Curtain speech, the book provides new insights into old debates by drawing upon approaches and disciplines that have hitherto been marginalised or neglected. The book foregrounds agency, culture, values, ideas and the construction and representation of special Anglo–American relations, past and present. The volume covers two main themes. Firstly, it identifies key influences upon Churchill as he developed his political career, especially processes and patterns of Anglo–American convergence prior to and during World War Two. Second, it provides insights into how Churchill sought to promote a post-war Anglo–American special relationship, how he discursively constructed it and how he has remained central to that narrative to the present day. From this analysis emerges new understanding of the raw material from which Churchill conjured special UK–US relations and of how his conceptualisation of that special relationship has been shaped and re-shaped in the decades after 1946. This book will be of much interest to students of Anglo–American relations, Cold War Studies, foreign policy, international history and IR in general.
The Anglo-American Military Relationship explores military cooperation since the end of the Cold War. Much of the literature on the Anglo-American 'Special Relationship' has focused on the personal linkages between American Presidents and British Prime Ministers. This book argues that much of what is special between the two countries has resided in their military cooperation. This has provided the ballast that has underpinned other aspects of the political and economic relationship and given it durability. The book focuses on how the British armed services have worked alongside a superpower, in both peacetime and conflict. This military cooperation has been a challenging task, not least because it has occurred within a dynamic strategic context in which the nature of conflict has been evolving. British armed forces have engaged with their American allies in high intensity warfare, as well as in developing military doctrines to address insurgency, peace enforcement, and nation-building tasks. Working so closely with the US military has generated risks as well as benefits for Britain's armed forces. It has led them to engage in tasks that have weighed heavily upon their resources and has resulted in numerous tensions between the two sides.
The documents also reveal the way the concept of the 'special relationship' was used as a 'tool of diplomacy' on both sides of the Atlantic.
The relationship between Britain and America has been the most important bilateral relationship the world has ever seen. Dobson's concise and readable book covers the whole of this century and employs selected historical detail to expose the special relationship in its true light and in all its complexity. Dobson rejects tha claim that the US was ever hegemonical. Its realtionship with Britain - over the Suez Crisis and Iran in the 1960s and grenada in 1983 - clearly demonstrates that it had to bargain and did not always get its way. However, the two nations co-operated in every major crisis from the Great to the Gulf war, and together promoted liberal democracy and capitalism. The story reveals both more interdependence and conflict than has been recognised in the past. Nuclear, intelligence defence and other links betwen the USA and Britain continue to this day, but the importance of the `special relationship' has diminished for both countries. Have common interests disappeard to an extent that the scope for bilateral cooperation has diminished to insignificince ? It is in addressing this question that Dobson draws his conclusions. Coverning defence, economic, political and personal aspects of Anglo-US realtions, this book will be indispensible for students of twentieth century American and British history and international relations.
This book seeks to demystify the persistence of the Anglo-American Special Relationship (AASR) in the post-Cold War era by constructing a new theory of alliance persistence. This theory of alliance persistence not only has stronger explanatory power than the predominant model of interests and sentiments, but also opens a new way for understanding what factors have prevented the AASR from collapsing. This innovative new volume fills the gap in AASR literature by focusing on the important role of institutionalization in sustaining the AASR, a factor that has been significantly overlooked in existing academic research.
This electronic version has been made available under a Creative Commons (BY-NC-ND) open access license. This book is based mainly on government sources, namely material from the White House, State Department, Foreign Office (FO), Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO), Prime Minister's Office (PREM) and Cabinet (CAB). Private papers consulted include those of Harold Wilson, Foreign Secretary George Brown and Undersecretary of State George Ball. The book explores a period of the Wilson-Johnson relationship. It considers the seven weeks from Wilson's election until he went to see Lyndon B. Johnson on 7-9 December, a formative period in which Britain cultivated American financial support and which saw pre-summit diplomacy over the NATO Multilateral Force (MLF). The book covers the summit in detail, examining the diplomatic exchanges over the Vietnam War, the British commitment East of Suez and the MLF, as well as the interplay of personality between Wilson and Johnson. By exploring the relationship of the two leaders in the years 1964-1968, it seeks to examine their respective attitudes to the Anglo-American relationship. The book then assesses the significance of an alleged Anglo-American strategic-economic 'deal', Wilson's 'Commonwealth Peace Mission' to Vietnam, and another Wilson visit to Washington. It also considers why the personal relationship between Johnson and Wilson suffered such strain when the Labour government 'dissociated' the UK from the latest American measures in Vietnam. Next, the book addresses the period from August 1966-September 1967, during which Wilson launched an intense but abortive effort to initiate peace negotiations over Vietnam, and London announced plans to withdraw from military bases East of Suez.