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Since 1965 the foreign-born population of the United States has swelled from 9.6 million or 5 percent of the population to 45 million or 14 percent in 2015. Today, about one-quarter of the U.S. population consists of immigrants or the children of immigrants. Given the sizable representation of immigrants in the U.S. population, their health is a major influence on the health of the population as a whole. On average, immigrants are healthier than native-born Americans. Yet, immigrants also are subject to the systematic marginalization and discrimination that often lead to the creation of health disparities. To explore the link between immigration and health disparities, the Roundtable on the Promotion of Health Equity held a workshop in Oakland, California, on November 28, 2017. This summary of that workshop highlights the presentations and discussions of the workshop.
How Immigrants Contribute to Developing Countries' Economies is the result of a project carried out by the OECD Development Centre and the International Labour Organization, with support from the European Union. The report covers the ten project partner countries.
International migration and urbanization are potential solutions for stabilizing the global economy and bolstering local and regional economies. However, if unregulated, they can also put market stability at risk and cause new social problems in both developed and developing countries. Urbanization and Migration as Factors Affecting Global Economic Development takes a close look at the impact of urbanization and international migration on the global economy. Studying the dynamics of these two phenomena in countries across the world, as well as the varying successes of regional regulations, this publication is a valuable resource for academics interested in further research in urbanization, migration, and global economic efficiency, as well as policymakers involved in regulating international migration and urbanization.
Klaus F. Zimmermann Migration has become a topic of substantial interest in Europe in recent years. Part of this interest is driven by the important political changes in East Europe and the potential threat of large East-West migration waves. However, due to the large differences in economic development a substantial migration pressure is also expected from the South of Europe as of other parts of the world. The global migration potential towards the higher developed areas has reached about 80 to 100 million people. Thereof, about 60 million would like to move permanently, 20 million temporarily and about 15 million are refugees and asylum seekers and approximately 30 million are iIIegals. The book consists of eight papers which are allocated to five parts: Theoretical Models (Part I), Performance of Migrants (Part 11), Migration Within Developing Countries (Part IV) and Immigration Policy (Part V)' Each paper begins with a brief summary of its content. Part I, Theoretical Models, contains first "A Microeconomic Zlmm.r-mann VI Model of Migration" by Siegfried Berninghaus and Hans-GUnther Seifert-Vogt. They study migration decision making under incomplete information and apply it to empirically relevant phenomena. The second paper by Gerhard Schmitt-Rink "Migration and International Factor Price Equalization" demonstrates that international migration tends to equalize national factor prices and factor shares even in the absence of international trade. In Part II, Performance of Migrants, Lucie Merkle and Klaus F.
This volume uses recent research from the World Bank to document and analyze the bidirectional relationship between poverty and migration in developing countries. The case studies chapters compiled in this book (from Tanzania, Nepal, Albania and Nicaragua), as well as the last, policy-oriented chapter illustrate the diversity of migration experience and tackle the complicated nexus between migration and poverty reduction. Two main messages emerge: Although evidence indicates that migration reduces poverty, it also shows that migration opportunities of the poor differ from that of the rest. In general, the evidence suggests that the poor either migrate less or migrate to low return destinations. As a consequence, many developing countries are not maximizing the poverty-reducing potential of migration. The main reason behind this outcome is difficulties in access to remunerative migration opportunities and the high costs associated with migrating. It is shown, for example, that reducing migration costs makes migration more pro-poor. The volume shows that developing countries governments are not without means to improve this situation. Several of the country examples offer a few policy recommendations towards this end.
This volume provides an ample overview of state-of-the-art understanding of the multi-dimensional phenomenon of migration, in the characterisation of migration drivers, in environmental and agro-economic case studies and modelling issues as well as socio-political analyses. The analysis is geared to the consequences of climatic change, and the effects on soil, water and extreme weather that will drive populations to migrate.
"South-South Migration and Remittances" reports on preliminary results from an ongoing effort to improve data on bilateral migration stocks. It sets out some working hypotheses on the determinants and socioeconomic implications of South-South migration. Contrary to popular perception that migration is mostly a South-North phenomenon, South-South migration is large. Available data from national censuses suggest that nearly half of the migrants from developing countries reside in other developing countries. Almost 80 percent of South-South migration takes place between countries with contiguous borders. Estimates of South-South remittances range from 9 to 30 percent of developing countries' remittance receipts in 2005. Although the impact of South-South migration on the income of migrants and natives is smaller than for South-North migration, small increases in income can have substantial welfare implications for the poor. The costs of South-South remittances are even higher than those of North-South remittances. These findings suggest that policymakers should pay attention to the complex challenges that developing countries face not only as countries of origin, but also as countries of destination.
Environmental change and its impacts on population migration have become a growing concern in the era of global climate change. Previous environmental migration literature focused primarily on how rapid-onset environmental disasters influence migration in the developing world. The impacts of slow-onset environmental change and variability, such as changes in precipitation and temperature in developed settings, have not been fully documented. In this dissertation, I linked migration data with environmental factors from 1970 to 2020 in the contiguous United States and employed multivariate, spatial, and multilevel methods to explore the environmental dimensions of migration and their heterogeneous effects in affecting migration patterns across rural-urban areas and by different age groups. This dissertation consists of three empirical studies. In the first empirical study, using data from migration estimates (including net migration, in-migration, and out-migration), climate datasets, and decennial censuses, I explored how environmental change and variability affects county-level migration in the U.S. from 1970 to 2010, using county and decade fixed-effects models. I also conducted analyses to investigate the heterogeneous environmental impacts on migration across the rural-urban dichotomy and by age groups. I found that environmental factors, particularly climatic anomalies and their interactions with long-term climatic conditions, affected migration while controlling for other conventional sociodemographic factors known to affect migration. Also, I found that slow-onset environmental change and variability had a greater impact on rural areas, resulting in more rapid out-migration compared to urban areas. In addition, age matters in the environmental migration processes, with the older generation (65+ years old) being more responsive to environmental change and variability than the younger generation (15-64 years old) whose migrations were primarily fueled by work opportunities and economic well-being. In the second empirical study, I explored the spatial dimensions of environmental migration in the U.S. Previous studies on environmental impacts on migration in the U.S. have either focused on natural amenities attracting in-migrants or analyzed data at regional or crude geographic levels. Moreover, previous studies lacked analyses of how environmental factors affect the migratory responses of different age groups. Through geo-referencing county-level net migration data from 1970 to 2010 and linking them to sociodemographic characteristics at the county level, I conducted exploratory spatial data analysis to demonstrate the spatial dimensions of migration. The results showed that migrations were spatially clustered in eastern and western coastal regions and counties in the south-eastern areas of the U.S. Migration measures, along with county-level environmental and sociodemographic characteristics, are all spatially autocorrelated, making it necessary to account for such spatial effects when modeling the environment-migration relationship. Accordingly, I applied spatial lag and spatial error models to re-evaluate environmental impacts on migration. The results from the spatial models resonated with the results that used aspatial models, providing sound evidence of environmental impacts on internal migration in the U.S. As mentioned previously, many environmental migration studies, especially those in the U.S., have focused on rapid-onset environmental disasters while paying less attention to the impacts of slow-onset environmental change and variability. In the meantime, from a methodological perspective, there existed limited empirical studies using multilevel methods in the environmental migration literature. Arguably, migration is a social process that occurs in multiple contexts including micro-, meso-, and macro-level social structures--therefore requiring a multilevel approach to account for the hierarchy in the data and to explore level-specific effects in migration decision-making. To fill this knowledge gap, I combined microdata with aggregated data to explore individuals' migratory responses to environmental change and variability while controlling for geographic level-specific effects. Specifically, I linked individuals' migration status to their environmental exposure (i.e., precipitation, temperature, natural amenities, and air quality) and county-level sociodemographic characteristics in the previous year and employed two-level logistic regressions to investigate migratory responses of those individuals to environmental change and variability while controlling for sociodemographic characteristics known to affect migration. I found that socially advantaged populations, such as younger, wealthier, non-Hispanic white, and highly educated individuals, were more likely to migrate under environmental pressures, while disadvantaged groups, such as minorities, were less mobile when facing environmental change and variability. Environmental effects also occurred through interacting with county-level sociodemographic factors; in particular, people (especially the younger generation) tended to move to places with environmental amenities and affordable living costs. The multilevel analyses, again, confirmed the overall environmental effects on migration processes and their heterogeneous impacts across the younger and older generations. The findings and discussion presented in this dissertation attest to the environmental effects of migration in the United States and explore the heterogeneity of environmental impacts across places and age groups. The findings could provide insights into planning for environment-induced migration in the near future. Addressing environmental migration issues and mediating their adverse impacts on affected populations require a multifaceted approach that encompasses several factors, including the provision of basic infrastructure such as irrigation systems to maintain sustainable livelihoods, economic development to increase financial capabilities and offset environmental impacts, and effective disaster management to mitigate the effects of natural disasters. Likewise, environmental factors impose varying impacts on migration across places and by demographic groups; policies aiming to tackle environmental migration or relocation should be place- and demographic-specific to address these varying challenges from environmental change.
The Economic and Fiscal Consequences of Immigration finds that the long-term impact of immigration on the wages and employment of native-born workers overall is very small, and that any negative impacts are most likely to be found for prior immigrants or native-born high school dropouts. First-generation immigrants are more costly to governments than are the native-born, but the second generation are among the strongest fiscal and economic contributors in the U.S. This report concludes that immigration has an overall positive impact on long-run economic growth in the U.S. More than 40 million people living in the United States were born in other countries, and almost an equal number have at least one foreign-born parent. Together, the first generation (foreign-born) and second generation (children of the foreign-born) comprise almost one in four Americans. It comes as little surprise, then, that many U.S. residents view immigration as a major policy issue facing the nation. Not only does immigration affect the environment in which everyone lives, learns, and works, but it also interacts with nearly every policy area of concern, from jobs and the economy, education, and health care, to federal, state, and local government budgets. The changing patterns of immigration and the evolving consequences for American society, institutions, and the economy continue to fuel public policy debate that plays out at the national, state, and local levels. The Economic and Fiscal Consequences of Immigration assesses the impact of dynamic immigration processes on economic and fiscal outcomes for the United States, a major destination of world population movements. This report will be a fundamental resource for policy makers and law makers at the federal, state, and local levels but extends to the general public, nongovernmental organizations, the business community, educational institutions, and the research community.