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South Africa has come a long way since the advent of democracy, but its transition remains incomplete. The first three clauses of the Freedom Charter--the historic 1955 document setting out the central objectives of the democratic movement--were (i) the people shall govern; (ii) all national groups shall have equal rights; and (iii) the people shall share in the country's wealth. While the first two objectives have largely been achieved since the first democratic elections of 1994, historical disadvantage remains a determinant of income, wealth, and opportunity, notwithstanding some progress. As such, the economic transition from a system of exclusion under segregation and apartheid remains incomplete. This SCD identifies five key constraints. These are (i) insufficient skills; (ii) the skewed distribution of land and productive assets, and weak property rights; (iii) low competition and low integration in global and regional value chains; (iv) limited or expensive spatial connectivity and under-serviced historically disadvantaged settlements; and (v) climate shocks: the transition to a low-carbon economy and water insecurity.
South Africa has come a long way since the advent of democracy, but its transition remains incomplete. Poverty has declined significantly since 1994, but inequality remains extremely high. Improved access to basic services (such as electricity, water, and sanitation), the provision of over 4 million houses through state programs, and the expansion of the social wage have considerably improved living standards for millions of South Africans. Creating jobs, especially for young people, is critical to overcome the legacy of exclusion. Jobs are also important to build a stronger social contract. This SCD identifies five key constraints. These are (i) insufficient skills; (ii) the skewed distribution of land and productive assets, and weak property rights; (iii) low competition and low integration in global and regional value chains; (iv) limited or expensive spatial connectivity and under-serviced historically disadvantaged settlements; and (v) climate shocks: the transition to a low-carbon economy and water insecurity.
In preparation for its 2019-2022 Country Partnership Framework with South Africa, the World Bank Group has drafted a Systematic Country Diagnostic (SCD) which forms the basis of this book. Its aim is to strengthen understanding of the constraints in achieving two goals in South Africa: to eliminate poverty by 2030, and to boost shared prosperity. These goals are enshrined in South Africa’s Vision 2030 in the National Development Plan. This book is the result of consultations and conversations with key government departments, the National Planning Commission, the private sector, academics and trade unions. It identifies five broad policy priorities: to build South Africa’s skills base; to reduce the highly skewed distribution of land and productive assets; to increase competitiveness and the country’s participation in global and regional value chains; to overcome apartheid spatial patterns; and to increase the country’s strategic adaptation to climate change. The key obstacle to growth that has been identified is ‘the legacy of exclusion’. Undoing this is a long-term process, but renewed commitment by the political leadership to strengthen institutions and rebuild the social contract present an enormous opportunity in achieving progress towards South Africa’s Vision 2030.
"In preparation for its 2019-2022 Country Partnership Framework with South Africa, the World Bank Group has drafted a Systematic Country Diagnostic, which forms the basis of this book. Its aim is to strengthen understanding of the constraints in achieving two goals in South Africa: to eliminate poverty by 2030, and to boost shared prosperity. These goals are aligned with South Africa's Vision 2030 in the National Development Plan. This book is the result of consultations and conversations with the National Planning Commission, government departments, the private sector, young South Africans, and other stakeholders. It identifies five broad policy priorities: to build South Africa's skills base; to reduce the highly skewed distribution of land and productive assets and strengthen prosperity rights; to increase competitiveness and the country's participation in global and regional value chains; to overcome apartheid spatial patterns; and to increase the country's strategic adaptation to climate change and water insecurity. The key obstacle to growth, investment, and jobs that has been identified is 'the legacy of exclusion'. Undoing this is a long-term process, but renewed commitment by the political leadership to strengthen institutions and rebuild the social contract present an enormous opportunity in achieving progress towards South Africa's Vision 2030, and this book suggests ways to accomplish this aim."--Back cover.
Twenty years after its transition from apartheid to democracy, South Africa is seen in the international community as a regional bastion of democratic, economic and social rebirth. Yet despite its many successes, rates of violence against women in South Africa remain endemically high. This paper examines the diffusion of norms of nonviolence and gender equality from the international community into South African law and society and the subsequent feedback of those norms, to measure South Africa's compliance with international human rights standards. To inform the discussion, this paper introduces a model outlining the institutions and social processes operating at three levels: macro (i.e, international), meso (i.e, national) and micro (i.e, community/individual). The model highlights six ways in which norms are weakened or blocked: accessibility, apparent compliance, institutional weakness, divergent priorities, silencing and norm violation fatigue. Each of these factors is examined in turn to explain why women in South Africa continue to experience high rates of violence and why South Africa cannot be said to have made a 'complete' transition to a peaceful democratic state.
During the Cold War, a series of coups in Latin America resulted in a new form of military rule-the national security state-in which the armed forces ruled as an institution and drastically transformed state and society to conform to a messianic vision of national security. This book examines the lasting impact of institutionalized military power on Argentine state and society and the structural legacies of the national security state. Despite important steps toward democracy in the 1980s, security and intelligence forces acted to block democratizing measures and shape the emerging political system.
In the fight against organizational malpractice and organized crime, both international guidelines and national regulations have become stricter. Nevertheless, the results seem not to reach the expected change. Corruption scandals involving large companies, political parties, sports organizations, hospitals, etc. have not come to an end. In order to explain the collective illegality within and through organizations of different sectors and embedded in different cultures, this conference proceedings gathers articles about corporate and organized crime by international renowned scientists and experts. The focus is on similarities and differences in current corruption cases and other forms of crime as well as questions about conventional and alternative prevention measures.
Following the signing of the peace agreement and the end of three-and-a-half years of siege, Sarajevo simultaneously experienced a double transition, from war to peace and from socialism to capitalism, that was marked by an increasing international intervention. This book presents a study of the urban transformation of Sarajevo during the post-war period and considers both the role and the impact of the international community in its spatial and ethnic configuration. Part I focuses on the period of maximum international involvement developed at local level, from December 1995 until 2003, and comprises chapters on the ethno-territorial division of the city, the reconstruction of its ethnic diversity and the liberal transition fostered and imposed internationally. Part II deals with the impact of these policies on the current spatial, functional and ethnic configuration in the area of Sarajevo.
One of Latin America's leading sociologists, Manuel Antonio Garreton explores contemporary challenges to democratization in Latin America in this work originally published in Spanish in 1995. He pays particular attention to the example of Chile, analyzing the country's return to democracy and its hopes for continued prosperity following the 1973 coup that overthrew democratically elected president Salvador Allende. Garreton contends that the period of democratic crisis and authoritarian rule that characterized much of Latin America in the 1960s and 1970s was symptomatic of a larger breakdown in the way society and government worked. A new era emerged in Chile at the end of the twentieth century, Garreton argues--an era that partakes of the great changes afoot in the larger world. This edition updates Garreton's analysis of developments in Chile, considering the administration of current president Ricardo Lagos. The author concludes with an exploration of future prospects for democracy in Latin America.