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How do leaders perceive threat levels in world politics, and what effects do those perceptions have on policy choices? Mark L. Haas focuses on how ideology shapes perception. He does not delineate the content of particular ideologies, but rather the degree of difference among them. Degree of ideological difference is, he believes, the crucial factor as leaders decide which nations threaten and which bolster their state's security and their own domestic power. These threat perceptions will in turn impel leaders to make particular foreign-policy choices. Haas examines great-power relations in five periods: the 1790s in Europe, the Concert of Europe (1815–1848), the 1930s in Europe, Sino-Soviet relations from 1949 to 1960, and the end of the Cold War. In each case he finds a clear relationship between the degree of ideological differences that divided state leaders and those leaders' perceptions of threat level (and so of appropriate foreign-policy choices). These relationships held in most cases, regardless of the nature of the ideologies in question, the offense-defense balance, and changes in the international distribution of power.
This groundbreaking book presents a new understanding of ideological change. It shows how and why America's political parties have evolved.
Political positions in the United States today are ideologically chaotic, and there are significant prices to pay for that chaos. The nation has not reached a crisis yet in her modern political gridlock, but predicting the time when the current generation will face the difficulties of earlier times of crisis such as the Civil War, the Great Depression, or World War II is a difficult task. When that time comes, leaders who can communicate effectively to foster understanding and political unity and who can respond to a crisis with skilled direction will be a vital concern. Making Sense of Political Ideology explores the erosion of ties among ideology, language, and political action. Analyzing political language strategies, it shows how to dissect language so we can better understand a speaker's ideology. The authors define four political positions radical, liberal, conservative, reactionary and apply their techniques to contemporary issues such as the war on terrorism. They emphasize the dangers of staying trapped in political gridlock with no consensus for governmental direction and propose that the ability to identify and bridge positions can help political communicators toward constructing coalitions and building support for political action."
The renowned activist’s lectures on Cold War foreign policy delivered in Nicaragua during the US-backed war against the Sandinista government. One of Noam Chomsky's most accessible books, On Power and Ideology is a product of his 1986 visit to Managua, Nicaragua, for a lecture series at Universidad Centroamericana. Delivered at the height of US involvement in the Nicaraguan civil war, this succinct series of lectures lays out the parameters of Noam Chomsky's foreign policy analysis. The book consists of five lectures on US international and security policy. The first two lectures examine the persistent and largely homogenous features of US foreign policy, and overall framework of order. The third discusses Central America and its foreign policy pattern. The fourth looks at US national security and the arms race. And the fifth examines US domestic policy. These five talks, conveyed directly to the people bearing the brunt of devastating US foreign policy, make historic and exciting reading.
The topic of Language and Ideology has increasingly gained importance in the linguistic sciences. The general aim of critical linguistics is the exploration of the mechanisms of power which establish inequality, through the systematic analysis of political discourse (written or oral). This reader contains papers on a variety of topics, all related to each other through explicit discussions on the notion of ideology from an interdisciplinary approach with illustrative analyses of texts from the media, newspapers, schoolbooks, pamphlets, talkshows, speeches concerning language policy in Nazi-Germany, in Italofascism, and also policies prevalent nowadays. Among the interesting subjects studied are the jargon of the student movement of 1968, speeches of politicians, racist and sexist discourse, and the language of the green movement. Because of the enormous influence of the media nowadays, the explicit analysis of the mechanisms of “manipulation”, “suggestion”, and “persuasion” inherent in language or about language behaviour and strategies of discourse are of social relevance and of interest to all scholars of social sciences, to readers in all educational institutions, to analysts of political discourse, and to critical readers at large.
This book defines political ideology as a structural force that combines ideas, emotion, and people for the purpose of transforming political discourse. It advances a theoretical proposition concerning the creation of alternative modes of governance and proposes a general theory explains the reasons for the creation of political ideologies as an escape from perceived injustice. The theory also explains democracy's success and the failure of Communism and the Fascism. The purpose of any political ideology, whether Democracy, Fascism (and its varieties), or Communism, is to escape human suffering by combining ideas, emotion, and people in the production of fundamental societal change. Ideologies must possess these three variables to attain the necessary power to succeed as a political force. Power gives the ideology the structural ability to transform society, trapping the once free individual into the ideology.
Since the Roman Empire, leaders have used ideology to organize the masses and instil amongst them a common consciousness, and equally to conquer, assimilate, or repel alternative ideologies. Ideology has been used to help create, safeguard, expand, or tear down political communities, states, empires, and regional or world systems. This book explores the multiple effects that competing ideologies have had on the world system for the past 1,700 years: the author examines the nature and content of Christianity, Islam, Confucianism, Protestantism, secularism, balance-of-power doctrine, nationalism, imperialism, anti-imperialist nationalism, liberalism, communism, fascism, Nazism, ethno-nationalism, and transnational radical Islamism; alongside the effects their originators sought to craft and the consequences they generated. This book argues that for centuries world actors have aspired to propagate through the world arena a structure of meaning that reflected their own system of beliefs, values and ideas: this would effectively promote and protect their material interests, and - believing their system to be superior to all others – they felt morally obliged to spread it. Radical transnational Islamism, Hybel argues, is driven by the same set of goals. This book will be of interest to students and scholars of international politics, international relations theory, history and political philosophy.
Political Ideologies and Political Parties in America puts ideology front and center in the discussion of party coalition change. Treating ideology as neither a nuisance nor a given, the analysis describes the development of the modern liberal and conservative ideologies that form the basis of our modern political parties. Hans Noel shows that liberalism and conservatism emerged as important forces independent of existing political parties. These ideologies then reshaped parties in their own image. Modern polarization can thus be explained as the natural outcome of living in a period, perhaps the first in our history, in which two dominant ideologies have captured the two dominant political parties.
In this prodigiously researched book, Emanuel Adler addresses the hotly contested issue of how developing nations can emerge from the economic and technological tutelage of the developed world. Is the dependence of Third World countries on multinational corporations—especially in the realm of high technology—a permanent fixture of an inherently unequal relationship? Or can it be managed by the developing nations for their benefit? By a masterful comparative study of the development of science and technology in Argentina and Brazil, the author discusses governmental policies that are effective in attaining autonomous technological development. Professor Adler provides a useful corrective to the structural theories of development that have up to now prevailed in the study of international relations by demonstrating that intellectual and technological elites play a far more significant role in the success or failure of such governmental policies than has hitherto been recognized. This title is part of UC Press's Voices Revived program, which commemorates University of California Press’s mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest minds and give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship accessible once again using print-on-demand technology. This title was originally published in 1988.