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Nativist movements have been a common staple throughout the history of the United States. The outbreak of the First World War in 1914 merely contributed to this sentiment, igniting a fierce wave of anti-immigrant fervor across the country. German Americans, the largest minority within the United States at the outbreak of World War I, were the primary target of this mentality and found themselves in an increasingly precarious situation amongst their fellow compatriots as the war progressed. Despite the nation’s self-declared neutrality, the United States would increasingly lean pro-Entente thanks to a myriad of propaganda and Central Power missteps. Many German Americans retained customs from their homeland, a fact that led to feelings of suspicion, and often reaction, amongst nativist Americans. German American sympathy for the Central Powers, especially Germany and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, merely cemented this distrust. Both former President Theodore Roosevelt and then-President Woodrow Wilson played key roles in inciting the growing nativist movements within the country. Roosevelt, with his rhetoric on the superiority of “Americanism,” fiercely attacked the German American community for their “hyphenated Americanism.” Their seeming inability to assimilate into American culture, to Roosevelt, was tantamount to treason. Woodrow Wilson, despite being ideologically opposed politically to Roosevelt, helped reinforce the nativist mentality with his own actions before and after the United States’ entry into the conflict. The Committee on Public Information, a propaganda organ that touted the righteousness of Americanism that was created and wholly supported by Wilson, frequently targeted the German American elements within the United States. These ideologies enabled and legitimized the platforms held by the many patriotic organizations within the United States, such as the National Security League and the Vigilantes. These organizations, often nationalistic at heart, sought to mobilize American opinion into a singular line, one that had no tolerance for the alleged disloyalty of the unassimilated immigrant. By utilizing the numerous literature of the era, as well as the private letters of the actors themselves, this thesis both explores and analyzes the depths of the nativist movements within the United States during the Great War. In doing so, it showcases the complex, and often contradictory, interplay that existed between nativists and immigrant communities within the country
By the mid nineteenth century, anti-Catholicism had become a central conflict in America. Fueling the dissent were Protestant groups dedicated to maintaining what they understood to be the Christian vision and spirit of the "founding fathers." Afraid of the religious and moral impact of Catholics, they advocated for stricter laws in order to maintain the Protestant predominance of America. Of particular concern to some of these native-born citizens, or "nativists," were Roman Catholic immigrants whose increasing presence and perceived allegiance to the pope alarmed them. The Nativist Movement in American History draws attention to the religious dimensions of nativism. Concentrating on the mid-nineteenth century and examining the anti-Catholic violence that erupted along the East Coast, Katie Oxx historicizes the burning of an Ursuline convent in Charlestown, Massachusetts, the Bible Riots in Philadelphia, and the theft and destruction of the "Pope's Stone" in Washington, D.C. In a concise narrative, together with trial transcripts and newspaper articles, poems, and personal narratives, the author introduces the nativist movement to students, illuminating the history of exclusion and these formative clashes between religious groups.
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Excerpt from Patriots in the Making: What America Can Learn From France and Germany This book was not begun with the idea of teaching a lesson, but rather with the object of showing something of the relationship that has long existed in France and Germany between the school and the national consciousness. In both these countries education has long been used as a political instrument. Prussia perceived its possibilities after the battle of Jena; France realized its value after Sedan. Both nations have employed the school to mold the mind of rising generations to a preconceived type of patriotism. The significance of the psychology thus formed is revealing itself in the present war. The experience of these countries ought not to be disregarded by the United States. After her crushing defeat in the Franco-German War, France saw clearly the danger of a blind, boastful patriotism founded on ignorance of national conditions. This sort of patriotism led to over-confidence, unreadiness, chauvinism and disaster. Hence France founded the preparedness movement, which she undertook after the war, on an intelligent, critical patriotism, carefully developed through education. Only thus did it seem possible to make adequate preparedness permanent. The lesson of this should not be lost on Americans. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.
Excerpt from American Patriotism: Speeches, Letters, and Other Papers Which Illustrate, the Foundation, the Development, the Preservation of the United States of America The design of this compilation is to present a sheaf of ripened grain grown on American soil; to include the noblest specimens of the learning, and eloquence, and wisdom, and patriotism of those who, by the judgment of their own time and the concurrent verdict of posterity have been recognized as the foremost men and the clearest thinkers in the growing state. Such sheaves have been garnered before. But the later events, hardly yet rounded into completeness, furnish to the reaper a broader field, upturned by the tillage of war, whence has sprung a new harvest of glorious and abounding grain not less precious than that oft reaped before. This work has naturally classified itself into three parts: the first including papers which illustrate the formative period of the nation's history - culminating in the Revolution; the second, those produced in a time, not at all of inaction, but of vigorous and healthful yet of peaceful development; the third, those poured forth in hot and tumultuous haste, blazing with patriotic fire, when the Rebellion was earthquake, and tempest, and pestilence in one. Following the papers in the chronological order of their arrangement, one may trace in the first period the progress of public thought; the hope and wish that wrongs might be righted within the pale of the colonial system; doubts of success ripening into conviction that separation was imperative; lofty purpose culminating in the Declaration of Independence; the period closing with the glorious sunset of the great commander. Guided by no such sequence of ideas and events in the second period, we simply include several of its historic papers, matchless in eloquence and wisdom. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.
America First was the central thought in President Wilson's address to the Daughters of the American Revolution on the twenty-fifth anniversary of their organization-their Silver Jubilee-in Washington, D. C., October 11, 1915. The president declared in this address that all citizens should make it plain whether their sympathies for foreign countries come before their love of the United States, or whether they are for America first, last, and all the time. He asserted, also, that our people need all of their patriotism in this confusion of tongues in which we find ourselves over the European war.The press throughout the country has taken up the thought of the President and, seconded by the efforts of the Bureau of Education, has done loyal work in making "America First" our national slogan. This is all good so far as it goes-especially among the adult population, many of whom must be educated, if educated at all, on the run. But the rising generation, both native-born and foreign, to get the full meaning of this slogan in its far-reaching significance, must have time for study and reflection along patriotic lines. There must be the right material on which the American youth may settle their thoughts for a definite end in patriotism if our country is to have a new birth of freedom and if "this government of the people, by the people, and for the people is not 6to perish from the earth." The prime and vital service of amalgamating into one homogeneous body the children alike of those who are born here and of those who come here from so many different lands must be rendered this Republic by the school teachers of America.
For the past three decades, many history professors have allowed their biases to distort the way America’s past is taught. These intellectuals have searched for instances of racism, sexism, and bigotry in our history while downplaying the greatness of America’s patriots and the achievements of “dead white men.” As a result, more emphasis is placed on Harriet Tubman than on George Washington; more about the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II than about D-Day or Iwo Jima; more on the dangers we faced from Joseph McCarthy than those we faced from Josef Stalin. A Patriot’s History of the United States corrects those doctrinaire biases. In this groundbreaking book, America’s discovery, founding, and development are reexamined with an appreciation for the elements of public virtue, personal liberty, and private property that make this nation uniquely successful. This book offers a long-overdue acknowledgment of America’s true and proud history.
A richly detailed, profoundly engrossing story of how religion has influenced American foreign relations, told through the stories of the men and women—from presidents to preachers—who have plotted the country’s course in the world. Ever since John Winthrop argued that the Puritans’ new home would be “a city upon a hill,” Americans’ role in the world has been shaped by their belief that God has something special in mind for them. But this is a story that historians have mostly ignored. Now, in the first authoritative work on the subject, Andrew Preston explores the major strains of religious fervor—liberal and conservative, pacifist and militant, internationalist and isolationist—that framed American thinking on international issues from the earliest colonial wars to the twenty-first century. He arrives at some startling conclusions, among them: Abraham Lincoln’s use of religion in the Civil War became the model for subsequent wars of humanitarian intervention; nineteenth-century Protestant missionaries made up the first NGO to advance a global human rights agenda; religious liberty was the centerpiece of Franklin Roosevelt’s strategy to bring the United States into World War II. From George Washington to George W. Bush, from the Puritans to the present, from the colonial wars to the Cold War, religion has been one of America’s most powerful sources of ideas about the wider world. When, just days after 9/11, George W. Bush described America as “a prayerful nation, a nation that prays to an almighty God for protection and for peace,” or when Barack Obama spoke of balancing the “just war and the imperatives of a just peace” in his Nobel Peace Prize acceptance speech, they were echoing four hundred years of religious rhetoric. Preston traces this echo back to its source. Sword of the Spirit, Shield of Faith is an unprecedented achievement: no one has yet attempted such a bold synthesis of American history. It is also a remarkable work of balance and fair-mindedness about one of the most fraught subjects in America.
"Examines the life of Mira Lloyd Dock, a Pennsylvania conservationist and Progressive Era reformer. Explores a broad range of Dock's work, including forestry, municipal improvement, public health, and woman suffrage"--